THELENO 



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BEING A VINDICATION OF HIS 



LETTER AND VOYAGE, 



WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE 



MAP OF HIERONIMO DA VERRAZANO. 



AND A DISSERTATION UPON 



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TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE SUBJECT. 

By B^F^'De COSTA. 



NEW YORK: 
A. S. BARNES & COMPANY. 

1880. 



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PREFACE 

The following pieces have been reprinted in a revised form from The Magazine 
of American History. In sending them forth again, attention may be called to 
the fact that no additional proof has been offered respecting the alleged capture 
and execution of Giovanni da Verrazano by the Spaniards. On the other hand, 
the testimony in favor of the statement of Ramusio, that Verrazano lost his life 
at the hands of the natives on the coast of America, appears to have been strength- 
ened. Proofs of cannibalism have also been adduced from the Canadas to Florida. 
According to one view, he was condemned October 13th, 1527, and executed at 
Colmenar in the month of November. The author learns, however, from M. 
Pierre Margry, that he has a letter, written at Paris, October 14th, 1527, which says 
that Verrazano was then preparing to visit America with five ships, expecting 
to sail the following February or March. If this letter is authentic, the story of 
his capture and execution would appear to be false. The great reward offered by 
the Spaniards for his capture might have led the Spanish officials to deceive them- 
selves or the government. Columbus, the Discoverer, has been confounded with 
a Pirate of the same name, and this mistake was made by the person who wrote 
or edited the Life of the Admiral. More light is needed. 

Somewhat recently a copy of an unpublished document came into the hands of 
the author. This gives a glimpse of the operations of Giovanni da Verrazano, 
in the year 1525. . It was found in the archives at Rouen by the late M. Gosselin, 
and was copied for our use by M. de Baurepaire, the Archivist, at the instance of 
M. Gabriel Gravier, of Rouen, President of the " Societe Normande de Geographie." 
The task of deciphering this document was very difficult, and no person 
less skilled than M. de Baurepaire could have succeeded. As it remained, a few 
words at the end, evidently unimportant ones, however, baffled his ingenuity. It may 
be difficult to say what is indicated concerning the financial ability of Verrazano 
at the time the action was inaugurated. The " Clameur de Haro " was a Norman 
method of taking an appeal to royal authority, and had the effect of staying all 
proceedings for the time. The translation runs as follows : 

"Friday, the last day of September, 1525. 
" The Honorable Zanobus de Roussalay, citizen, merchant, dwelling at Rouen, 
who pledges and gives bonds by these presents, that Messire Jehan de Verrassane 
is in the right to defend a certain clameur de haro raised against him by Guiliaume 
Eynoult, called Cornete, dwelling at Dieppe, to obtain payment of the sum of 
ninety-five livres, claimed and demanded by the said Eynoult from the said de Ver- 
rassane, or to establish the right of de Verrassane, or to pay the said sum if it is 
adjudged to be due, engaging to Fremyn Poree and Robert Tassel, sergeant royal 



at Rouen, present, who have received the said bonds, of which they are held sat- 
isfied, save the obligation to reimburse them according to what the one and the 
other." ......... 

The obscure French may be added, to enable the reader to judge for himself of 
the character of the translation : 

" Du vendredi pcnultime jour de Septembre, 1525. 

" Honorable homme Zanobus de Rousselay, bourgeois, marchand, demeurant a 
Rouen, lequel plege et cauxionna par ces presentes Messire Jehan de Verrassane 
d'ester a droit et deffendre certaine clameur de haro que Ton dit avoir este sur luy 
interjectee par Guiliaume Eynoult dit Cornete, demeurant a Dieppe pour avoir 
paiment de la somme de 95 livres pretendas et demandees par ledit Eynoult au 
d[it] de Verrassane on de establir icillui de Verrassane ou payer la d[it] somme 
s'il estoit dit par justice que faire se doye promettans a Fremyn Poree et Robert 
Tassel, sergent royal at Rouen, presents que ont receu lad [it] caution de laquelle 
ils se sont tenus pour contens sauf a renforcer toutefois que a rason de lad [it] 
reception ils ny l'un d'eulx." . ...... 

It is to be hoped that the personal history and the ultimate fate of Verrazano 
may yet be cleared up, by the aid of documents still to be discovered. 

The author desires here to express the obligations he is under to various per- 
sons for assistance in connection with this subject. Among them he would make 
particular mention of the Right Reverend Doctor Chatard, formerly President of 
the Collegio Romano, at Rome, and now Bishop of Vincennes ; the Reverend 
Doctor Conrad, who, as Rector of the Propaganda Fide, furnished the facilities 
for our examination of the Cartographical treasures preserved in that institution ; 
the Reverend Professor Father White ; J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D., and John Rus- 
sell Bartlett, Superintendent of the Carter-Brown Library, Providence. 

The writer has already expressed the opinion, that certain names on the Ver- 
razano Map have an Italian as well as a French reference. This view has been 
strengthened by a careful comparison of the map with the map of the coasts of 
Illyria and Dalmatia, referred to in the Letter, and where are found such names as 
"I. Cervi," "I. Lunga," "Belvidere" and " Palmanuova." The latter may be the 
correct rendering of the obscurely written word which we have given as " Palam- 
sina," while "bomuetto" may be "Bonivetto," after the Italian Admiral. In 
the sketch of the Verrazano Map given in our combination sketch, several letters, 
particularly obscure in the original, are marked by dots. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO 

The first printed account of the Voyage of Verrazano is found in Ramusio's 
"Navagationi et Viaggi," Venice, 1556, III., p. 350. It is entitled, "Relatione di 
Giovanni da Verrazanno Fiorentino della terra per lui Scoperta in nome di sua 
Maesta., scritta in Dieppa, adi 8 Luglio M.D.XXIIII." It is alluded to in the 
same volume, p. 352, in the " Discorso d'un gran Capitano de mare Francese." 
Belleforest, in his " Histoire Universelle," 1570, Book IV., gives details. The 
Letter of Verrazano to Francis I. was translanted by Hakluyt in his " Divers 
Voyages," London, 1582, which also contains Laudoniere's reference to Verrazano. 
The same Letter, slightly revised, appears in his "Navigations," Vol. III. p. 295, 
Ed. 1660. Linschoten notices Verrazano in his "Discourse of Voyages," 1598, 
p. 217. See also the Voyage in Herrera, "Historia General," 1601. D. III. L. vi. 
c. 9. Wytfliet follows in his work of 1603, p. 100. De Laet's " Histoire du Nou- 
veau Monde," 1603, p. 100, makes mention of the Voyage. In 1661 Dudley, in 
his "Arcano del Mare," published at Florence, Vol. II. chap. vi. p. 29, makes an 
allusion to the Voyage, saying, " E tronuo allora degl' Indiani, che pigliauano del 
tobacco in fumo con la pipa." In 1706 the Voyage appears in Vander Aa's Col- 
lection, published at Leyden, in Dutch. Vol. X. devotes thirty-one pages to the 
subject, and gives a plate. "Uomini Illustri Toscani," Florence, 1768, Vol. II. 
contains the portrait of Verrazano with a eulogy. Barcia, in his " Essayo Chrono- 
logico," Madria, 1726, folio 8, refers to Verrazano. Annibale Caro, in a letter to 
Hieronimo da Verrazano, written from Sicily, October 13, 1537, and published 
in " De lettere familiari " of Caro, Venice, Vol. I. p. 6, Ed. 1581, refers to the Map 
of the Voyage. Tiraboschi, in his " Storia della Luteratura Italiana " (Mantua, 
1771-82), calls attention to the Voyage, and mentions the copy of the Letter, with 
its Appendix, in the Strozzi Library at Florence. Foster's '' Discoveries in the 
North," p. 43, treats of the Voyage. In De Murr's Life of Behaim, Gotha, 1801, 
p. 28, there is a notice of the Map, mentioned by Cardinal Borgia, in a letter to De 
Murr, of January 31, 1795. Lock's notice is found in Clark's "Progress of Mari- 
time Discovery," London, 1803, p. 130 ; and the Map is mentioned in Millin's " En- 
cyclopedique," Vol. LXVIIL, 1807. The North American Review, October, 1837, 
contained an article on "The Life and Voyages of Verrazzano," by George W. 
Greene; reprinted in "Historical Studies," New York, 1850, p. 321. Some 
account of the Voyage appears in Bancroft's "United States," Vol. I. p. 17, Ed. 
1839. The New York Historical Society, 1841, Vol. I. S. 2, p. 37, of its Collection, 
gives the Text of the Letter, according to the Magliabecchian manuscript, this copy 



IV BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VEKKAZANO 

having been made at the instance of Prof. Greene. It accompanies an English 
Translation by Dr. Cogswell, who also furnishes a preliminary notice. The " Sag- 
giatore," Rome, 1S44, Vol. I. p. 257, contains Prof. Greene's Essay with the 
Carli Letter. In 1S50, Shillinglaw referred to the Voyage in his "Narrative of 
Arctic Discovery," p. 30. Thomassy published an account of the map in "Nou- 
velles Annales des Voyages," Paris, 1852, reprinted the same year as " Les Papes 
Geographes," etc., and in 1853 Prof. Greene's essays, with a dissertation by Arch- 
angel, was reprinted in " Archivio Storico," Florence, Vol. IX. Errizzo, in " Sco- 
perta Artiche," Venice, 1855, p. 141, makes an allusion to the Voyage. The 
Voyage is noticed in Asher's "Henry Hudson," Hakluyt Society, i860, p. lxxix. 

The next publication on this subject was of a character adverse to the Voyage 
of Verrazano, and but for its publication little of what followed would have 
appeared. This was " An Inquiry into the Authenticity of documents concerning 
a discovery in North America," claimed to have been made by Verrazano, read 
before the New York Historical Society, Tuesday, October 4th, 1864, by Buck- 
ingham Smith, New York, 1864, p. 31, with a section of the Globe of Vlpius. 
This pamphlet included a translation of the Carli Letter, The Inquiry was 
reviewed by its author in "The Historical Magazine," Vol. IX. p. 169, under 
the head of "Verrazano as a Discoverer." In Vol. X. p. 299, he also gave some 
notes on the Map. Dr. Kohl, in Vol. I. p. 249, 2d series, of the Collections of 
the Maine Historical Society, 1869, has an account of the Voyage. See, also, 
Stevens' Historical and Geographical Notes," 1869, p. 36; followed by "The 
Northmen in Maine," by B. F. De Costa; Albany, 1870, pp. 149. Afterwards 
attention was directed to the subject by President Daly, of the American Geo- 
graphical Society, in a letter to Mr. Thos. E. Davis", at Rome, published in the Bul- 
letin of the Society, 1S71, p. 80. This letter secured a photographic copy of the 
Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano, which Mr. Brevoort used. Then appeared 
"Verrazano, the Navigator, or Notes on Giovanni da Verrazano, and on a plani- 
sphere of 1529, illustrating his American Voyage in 1524, with a reduced copy of 
the Map. A paper read before the American Geographical Society of New York, 
by J. C. Brevoort, a member of the Society." New York, 1874, 8vo, pp. 159. 
This was favorably noticed by F. H. Norton, in the New York Commercial Adver- 
tiser, 1875. Next appeared, in opposition to the Voyage, and to the paper of Mr. 
Brevoort, "The Voyage of Verrazzano ; A Chapter in the Early History of 
Maritime Discovery in America," by Henry C. Murphy. New York, 1875, 8vo, 
pp. 198, 4. The Nation, January 27th, contained a notice of this work ; and the 
"New England Historical and Genealogical Register" for January, 1876, con- 
tained a favorable notice, which called out from B. F. De Costa *' Verrazzano ; A 
Motion for the Stay of Judgment." New York, 1876, pp. 16 ; this being a reprint 
from the " Charlestown Advertiser." The " Nation," of New York, Dec. 7, 
1876, contained a favorable notice of the " Motion." The " Revue Critique," 
Paris, January, 1876, contained copies of two powers of attorney, of importance 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO V 

in connection with the subject, afterwards printed with English translations as 
an Appendix to Murphy's " Voyage of Verrazzano." The " R.evue Critique " 
also contained a partially favorable notice of Mr. Murphy's work, by Mr. Henry 
Harrisse. The " Geographical Magazine," London, 1S76, January, had a favor- 
able notice of Mr. Murphy's book ; and L'Eco d'ltalia, New York, May 9th, 
1876, contained an unfavorable notice ; followed by an equally unfavorable 
notice, by Mr. Major, in the " Pall Mall Gazette, of May 26th, 1876, which was 
reprinted in the " Geographical Magazine " for July, 1876. The " American Church 
Review," July, 1876, contained another adverse review of Mr. Murphy, by B. F. 
De Costa. See "Verrazzano" in Bulletin No. 39, p. 137, Boston Public Library, 
1876. The student may also find observations by Mr. Charles Deane, in Vol. II. 
p. 219, 2d S., of the Maine Society's Collections, 1877. "The Globe of Vlpius, 
1542," 1S78, p. 8, was a reprint formed of some notes of a Paper on " The Globe 
of Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542, in its relation to the Map of Hieronimo Verra- 
zano, J 529." The paper was read before the New York Historical Society, 
by B. F. De Costa, on the evening of Dec. 4th, 1S78. The daily press 
of New York for December 5 th, contained notices of the Lecture. It was also 
noticed, Dec. 8th, 1878, in "L'Eco d'ltalia." The Newport "Mercury," of 
March 2Sth, 1878, contained an abstract of this Lecture, showing the connection 
of Verrazano with that place. The " Compte-Rendu " of the "Congres Inter- 
national des Americanistes," Vol. I. 1878, p. 535, has a note in defense of the 
Voyage of Verrazano, criticising Mr. Murphy's work adversely. The " Magazine 
of American History," 187S, contained, in February, " The Letter of Verrazano," 
in May, "The Voyage of Verrazano," and in August, "The Verrazano Map." 
The Boston " Daily Advertiser," Sept. 24th, 1878, contained an editorial referring 
to these articles. Afterward followed an article in the " Magazine of American 
History," January, 1879, on " The Globe of Vlpius," in its relation to the voyage. 
The four articles, in a revised form, with this Bibliography, are combined in 
" Verrazano the Explorer, " A. S. Barnes & Co., New York, 1881. See "Memo- 
rial History of Boston," 1880, pp. 32-35, 41—44. 

Notices of the Voyage of Verrazano may be found also in Biographical Dic- 
tionaries and Encyclopedias, and in such works as Brodhead's History of New 
York, the Gay-Bryant History of the United States, Miss Booth's History of New 
York, and Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's History of New York. Verrazano is also men- 
tioned in the principal school histories. The long list of works already given, 
however, embraces nearly everything of a critical character that has come to the 
notice of the writer, and may perhaps serve every purpose of the investigator. 



VERRAZANO VINDICATED 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

GIOVANNI da Verrazano was born at Val di Greve, a little village 
near Florence, about the year 1485, being the son of Piero Andrea 
di Bernardo da Verrazano and Fiametta Capella. The portrait 
of the Italian Navigator which accompanies this discussion is reproduced 
from the representation found in " Uomini Illustri Toscani," which was 
copied from a painting in the Royal Gallery at Florence. A search re- 
cently instituted failed to bring the original portrait to light. An attempt 
to find a copy of the medal that was struck in his honor met with no bet- 
ter success. The last member of the family in Florence was Cavaliere 
Andrea da Verrazano, who died in 1819. There is nothing either to 
prove or to disprove the authenticity of the portrait, and the presumption 
is in favor of its authenticity. It is now faithfully reproduced for the 
first time, though on a diminished scale. 

In his mature years, after some experience upon the Mediterranean, 
Verrazano entered the service of Francis I. of France, and became 
famous as a privateer or corsair, a profession sufficiently respectable at 
that period, having been followed by many great navigators. In 1523 
Verrazano captured several ships bringing to Spain the Treasures of 
Montezuma. This act in particular excited the enmity of the Spaniards, 
who constantly sought for an opportunity to get him into their power. 
In 1524 he made his voyage to America. In 1527, it has been maintained, 
he was captured by the Spaniards and hung at Colmenar, near Toledo : 
though Ramusio states that, in a second voyage to America, he was cap- 
tured by the savages, roasted and eaten. In the year 1S70 the present 
writer accepted and published the story of his execution, as told in cer- 
tain Spanish documents since published. 

Amongst these documents is the affidavit of the officer who professed 
to have put Verrazano to death. It was nevertheless noticed that the 
language of the officer apppeared needlessly positive. Of late, evidence 
has come to light which may yet be accepted as disproving the state- 



6 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

ments of the Spanish official, who possibly deceived himself in supposing 
that Verrazano had been captured ; or, what is still more likely-, deceived 
others, and, while professing to have executed the Florentine, accepted 
the bribe which he declares was refused, and thus let him go. This sub- 
ject, however, is one that must be left for future investigation. 

Another member of the same Florentine family, a brother of Giovanni, 
was named Hieronimo. This person was the author of the Map which 
relates to Giovanni's Voyage. 

The subject of Verrazano's Voyage being reserved for a separate 
chapter, let us at once proceed to the Letter which describes the 
Voyage. 

The first known Post-Columbian description of the North Atlantic 
Coast is given by Verrazano in a Letter to Francis I., which has exercised 
a marked influence for more than three hundred )-ears. Nevertheless 
the authenticity of this Letter has recently been questioned. The objec- 
tion based upon an alleged absence of contemporaneous reference to the 
voyage might be dismissed with the simple observation, that the charge is 
unfounded. Still something will be said on this point. In this connection, 
it has been urged by the late Buckingham Smith, the first of the two 
writers who have criticised the letter adversely, that neither the Letter nor 
the Voyage is mentioned by Admiral Chabot in his letters of 1525. This, 
however, is not remarkable, since the voyage of Verrazano was under- 
taken before he entered upon his office, which was in 1526, while after- 
wards an expedition was sent out under his own administration, the ex- 
pedition being led by Cartier, 1534. The latter was the expedition that 
he would naturally recognize, though there is no proof that he did not 
recognize that of Verrazano, with whom he was associated in a projected 
voyage to the Indies in 1526 or later. 

Mr. Smith has asked, respecting the voyage, " 11 there were any fame 
of the sort, why should France choose to settle her population so far to 
the North, preferring the cold regions her fishermen were conceded to 
have found, to the milder climate, fertile vales, and inviting bays and 
water courses of New England and New York?" We have 011I3- to ask 
in reply, Why Spain proposed the colonization and fortification of the 
Straits of Magellan ? The French supposed that the route to Cathay 
led through Canada. Frobisher advocated the same policy on the part 
of the English. 

In this connection it should, however, be remembered that the 
archives of France, much less those of other countries, have not been 
searched faithfully, and, also, that the beginning of the sixteenth century 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 7 

was an inopportune time for the publication of the results of maritime 
enterprise. The records of Dieppe suffered much in the bombardment 
of 1694, while the archives of La Rochelle were completely destroyed by 
fire. The sixteenth century opened gloomily with the confirmation of 
the claim of Spain to the entire North American Continent by Alex- 
ander VI., and the first quarter of the century was hardly completed 
when Francis I. found himself languishing in prison, whence he emerged 
only to find society in a state of confusion. Heylin, writing in 1669, 
well observes respecting the inattention to the voyage, that the people, 
" too much in love with the pleasures of France, or entangled in civil 
wars amongst themselves, looked no farther after it." 

At the time Verrazano undertook his voyage, every movement con- 
nected with the French Marine was watched with a jealous eye. He 
was obliged to leave stealthily, and excuse his action by the statement 
that he had discovered a country never before seen by Europeans. 

Onby two Italian versions of the Letter of Verrazano are known to 
exist, one of these having been published by Ramusio, at Venice, in 1556, 
and the Carli version first mentioned in 1767, and published by the New 
York Historical Society in 1841. Ramusio does not say where he found 
his copy, but observes that it was the only one of Verrazano's letters to 
the King of France that he could procure, " because the others were de- 
stroyed during the sack of the poor city of Florence." The Carli version, 
which had been referred to in 1667, was found in the Magliabechian Li- 
brary at Florence. It was introduced to the public in 1837 by Professor 
Greene, and printed in full in the year 1841. In his article in the North 
American Review, Professor Greene observed that he was struck bj r the 
difference of language in the two versions, though "in substance," the 
differences were not important. Nevertheless, finding that the Carli ver. 
sion contained more matter than that of Ramusio, he expressed the opin- 
ion, in passing, that the Italian Editor worked the piece over anew before 
placing it in his collection of Voyages ; though he could not explain why 
Ramusio omitted the cosmographical part, if he knew of its existence. 
The suggestion that Ramusio worked the Letter over appears to have 
been made without due consideration. It has never been supported by 
any proof. Nevertheless the statements of Professor Greene have been 
seized upon to work out a theory in opposition to the authenticity of the 
Letter. If it were conceded that the Carli version furnished the text of 
Ramusio's, no discredit would be thrown upon the authenticity of the 
original. This was not intended by Professor Greene, who accepted the 
Letter, as describing a genuine voyage. But the objector improves 



8 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

upon the supposition, by attempting to show that the Letter was a forg- 
ery, the weak points of which Ramusio was endeavoring to conceal 
The charge against Ramusio, the Hakluyt of Italy, becomes a serious 
one, and demands notice here, both to vindicate his text, and to defend 
his memory. It is perfectly true that the two versions are not wholly 
alike. It is of no consequence whether they are alike or not. Still the 
existing differences may be explained readily when we remember that 
we are not dealing with originals. When they are referred to an orig. 
inal version, the difficulties, if any exist, at once vanish. 

An illustration of this is found in connection with Allefonsce. Hak- 
luyt, when translating Allefonsce, makes him say that figs grow in 
Canada, while another translation represents him as saying that Canada 
extends to the land of Figuier. Without the original to refer to, one 
might say that the latter was worked over from the former to conceal the 
ignorance of Allefonsce. Again, in the printed version of Allefonsce of 
1559, ^ is sa id that certain people in New England, at Norumbega, are 
" small and blackish," while a recent translation declares that they are 
" large and handsome." Was the author of the latter version still " work- 
ing over " the narrative of Allefonsce to conceal his ignorance, as Ramusio 
is alleged to have done with Verrazano's ? Fortunately the original is 
now known, and the explanation is easy, though in the time of Lescarbot 
(1609) such was not the case, and Allefonsce was discredited. At the 
end of more than two centuries and a half, we find that the strictures of 
the witty Mark Lescarbot were undeserved, and possibly Verrazano 
and his Italian Editor may both be obliged to wait an equally long period 
for a full explanation. The prospect, however, need deter no one from 
attempting justice now. 

The Letter of Carli, which accompanies the Magliabechian version, 
deserves independent consideration, as it contains internal evidence prov- 
ing that it was written at the time and under the circumstances alleged. 
An attempt has indeed been made to treat it with ridicule ; but, if it were 
the forgery of a late period, as the theory of the objector supposes, it 
must still be explained how the forger came to know the fact that Francis 
I. was daily expected at L}'ons, upon the Fourth of August 1524. Mon- 
cado, with whom Carli served, knew of the movements of Francis {Doc. 
Ineditos XXIV. p. 403) and, curiously, Carli refers to Moncado in his 
letter. Since, therefore, these two persons were not in communication, 
it would appear that both obtained the information at the time. 

In approaching the two versions of the Letter of Verrazano, the critic 
must bear in mind the fact that neither version proposes to be more than 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 9 

a translation of a copy of a copy, the original not being found. The 
origin of the Carli version is explained by the letter referred to, written 
August 4th, 1524, at Lyons, by Fernando Carli, who says that, with his 
own, addressed to his father at Florence, he sends a copy of Verrazano's, 
describing the voyage, then just finished. 

An attempt has also been made to prove that upon August 4th 
Carli could not have obtained a copy of a letter addressed to Francis I. 
in the beginning of July; but there is nothing in it. On the other hand, 
the notion that Ramusio created his version from Carli's is not supported 
by any argument. It is, in fact, an assumption that might be dismissed, 
for the reason that it is an assumption. But what is worse, it is opposed 
and refuted by all the literary testimony that is brought to bear upon this 
distinctly literary question. To this point, therefore, let us give our at- 
tention. The style of Ramusio's version is less rude than the Carli ver- 
sion, but mere improvement in style could not have been an object in this 
case. If it were true that Ramusio knew of the existence of the Carli 
version, with its cosmographical appendix and accompanying letter, he 
would have been guilty of falsehood in speaking of his copy alone as " this 
little that has reached us." 

Some of the differences in the two versions have been noticed, and 
have been referred to as unimportant, which in a sense is true. Those 
that are to be pointed out for the first time are likewise unimportant in 
themselves. They become of consequence only when studied in con- 
nection with the assumption that the version of Ramusio was drawn from 
Carli's. 

Amongst the variations already noted are the following : Ramusio's 
version, describing the natives, in latitude 34 N., says that they were 
" brownish and not much unlike Saracens," while Carli's version says, 
" black and not much different from Ethiopeans." Again, with reference 
to the grapes referred to by Verrazano, Ramusio's version reads, "hav- 
ing often seen the fruit thereof dried, which was sweet and pleasant," 
the Carli version saying, " we have often seen the grapes which they pro- 
duce, very sweet and pleasant," or, as another translation of the same 
version reads, " tasting the fruit many times, we perceived it was sweet 
and pleasant." Again the Ramusio version says, with reference to the 
northern extension of the voyage, " We approached the land that in 
times past was discovered by the Bretons, which is in fifty degrees," 
while the Carli version says that they reached the fiftieth degree, and 
that " beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north 
as the Arctic circle." That there is anything in the Carli version demand 



10 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

ing change, is simply imagination ; while a careful consideration of the 
Ramusio version shows that the ideas expressed are not essentially different 
from the former. There is, therefore, nothing here to indicate that Ramu- 
sio ever saw the Carli version. The color of the American Indians was 
well known ; the term employed in the Carli version for tasting the grapes 
{beendo, sucking) was the one to be employed in tasting dried fruits ; while, 
with respect to the extent of the Portuguese and French voyages, Carli 
says that the former began at 50° N., and Ramusio teaches, in substance, 
that the French reached that latitude. Let us, therefore, consider cer- 
tain variations that are more to the point. 

In the Ramusio version the reader will notice that the personal address 
to the King is used oftener than in that of Carli, and that the former is 
also different. Ramusio generally says, " your Majesty " {Vostra Maestri) 
and Carli, " your most serene and most Christian Majesty" {Vostra ser- 
ninissima ct cristianissima Maestri). In two cases the former's version 
varies from " your Majesty," by adding Christianissima Re, in parenthesis, 
or simply Christianissimo. In Ramusio the address occurs eleven times, 
and in the Carli version seven times ; and since no reason can be assigned 
for such variations on the part of Ramusio, they cannot be attributed to 
him. The Venetian Secretary was a man with a purpose. Besides, 
these examples of the excessive use of terms occur in the early portion 
of the Letter, while farther on, where literary taste or courtesy might 
suggest the interpolation of " your Majesty," the address is zvantwg. 
This is something that Ramusio would have noticed, since, according to 
the objector, he even changed the version of Carli from Vostra clarissima 
genetrice to vostra Serenissima Madre. Here, however, if Ramusio had been 
engaged in revising the text, we might reasonably expect the courtly 
Venetian Secretary, trained as he was in the careful use of forms, to have 
said your Majesty's illustrious mother. 

This was so clear to Dr. Cogswell, that in translating he supplied 
the term omitted by both of the clumsy versions, and he writes " your 
Majesty's illustrious mother." (N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. p. 46, C. 19.) 
In another place he reduces the verbiage of " your most serene and Chris- 
tian Majesty," to "your Majesty." But in these cases he is translating, 
not revising, and he gives the original for comparison. In translating 
from Ramusio, Hakluyt, by mistake, once introduces "your Majesty" 
where it does not belong. The variations in the two texts under consid- 
eration are, therefore, the works either of Verrazano himself or his trans- 
lators and copyists. 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANU II 

Again Carli's version says, " we set sail from a desert rock," while 
Ramusio reads, " by the grace of God we set sail." The former says that 
there was a certain depth of water " without flux or reflux," {Scnza flusso 
e rcflussd) which is good enough Tuscan, while the latter says, " without 
flux" {senza flusso). These variations are trifling in themselves, but they 
are of a character which forbids us to refer them to the Venetian. Like- 
wise, Carli says that the woods in America are not like "the rough 
wilds of Scythia," while Ramusio says, "the wild deserts of Tartary." 
Again, in speaking of the resemblance of a part of the American coast to 
the shores of the Adriatic, the Carli version reads, " the Adriatic gulf 
near Illyria and Dalmatia," while the Ramusio version says " Sclavonia 
and Dalmatia." ' Scythia was included in Tartary, and Illyria was 
inhabited by Sclavonians, who were widely distributed. The terms 
employed are such as might properly be used by two translators, while 
those of Ramusio are manifestly not the terms that would have been 
substituted by a critic engaged in making improvements. 

Carli says, referring to Verrazano's preliminary expedition, "we made 
a cruise in them [the ships] well armed along the coast of Spain, as your 
Majesty must have heard," while Ramusio reads, "we took our course 
along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty shall understand by the profit 
we received thereby." 2 Sound criticism will not refer these changes to 
Ramusio. 

It is also to be noticed that Carli's version says of the vo}^age, that 
the first twenty-five days Verrazano sailed in a westerly direction, mak- 
ing eight hundred leagues, while Ramusio says five hundred leagues. 
Then the former says a storm came February 24th, while the latter says 
the 20th. After the storm, Carli's version says that they ran four hun- 
dred leagues in twenty-four days, while Ramusio's says twenty-five. In 
speaking of the distance run upon the American coast, Carli's version 
reads, " seven hundred " leagues, while Ramusio's reads, " seven hundred 
or more. At the same time the courses given by the latter foot up only 
six hundred and sixty-five. Again, Carli's version, speaking of the wind 
during the first course sailed westward, the following language is used : 
" Sailing westward Avith a light and pleasant easterly breeze," {per zeffiro 
spirando subsolano con dolce e soave levita,) while Ramusio's says: " Sailing 
westward with a fair easterly wind," {per Ponente navigando con vento di 
Levante assai piacevole.) All this is attributed to a scholar and critic 
improving the version ! 

But we have not done with these variations, for the Carli version, 
after describing the natives seen at their first landing in latitude 34° N,, 



12 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

says, " We found not far from these people another whose mode of life we 
judge to be similar." The version of Ramusio adds to this, " as hereafter 
I will declare to your Majesty, showing now the situation and nature of 
the aforesaid land." If Ramusio worked over the Carli version to pro- 
duce his own, he must have interpolated this sentence. And if so, why ? 
If any changes were made, they were designed to render the sense clearer, 
or to remove objections. But this addition does neither. The latter 
limb of the sentence is superfluous, while at the same time, it refers to 
nothing found in either the Letter or Appendix, and on the whole, ob- 
scures the text. It might indeed be said that the phrase indicated an in- 
tention to write an additional Letter, but it is more reasonable, however, 
to understand him as intending to describe the " other people" in their 
proper place in the present communication. In that case, the explana- 
tion of the omission to do so is simple. At the end of the voyage Verra- 
zano wrote to the King, currciite calamo, depending in this general 
account more or less upon recollection. When he came to speak of the 
people first seen, by the law of association, they suggested a similar people 
not far distant ; but, as the description of the country occupied by the 
former demanded the first place, he proceeded to his work in regular 
order, simply observing that hereafter he would describe the second 
people. In the end, however the subject was forgotten, or else he 
changed his mind. To say that the unkept promise was interpolated by 
Ramusio is idle. Here is found a mental action that could scarcely hap- 
pen in the case of a forger constructing an imaginary narrative. It is one 
of those internal evidences that stamp the Letter as genuine ; for it was 
written out of a mind overflowing with information. There is no halting 
or forced action, but a multitude of facts are pressing up for statement at 
the same time. A similar peculiarity is shown further on, by an example 
that occurs in both versions, where the writer, speaking of the tempera- 
ture being colder than in Rome, says that it is accidental, " as I will here- 
after declare to your Majesty," a promise also not kept. This double 
omission alone proves that the two versions must be referred to a third. 
We say again, therefore, that the peculiar action of the writer's mind 
indicates the authentic character of the composition ; while a candid 
consideration of all the variations renders it impossible to suppose that 
the version of Ramusio was worked over from Carli's. This and the 
kindred assumption, that the Discourse of the Dieppe Captain was 
changed to agree with the Florentine's, fall together. The charge of 
dishonesty on the part of Ramusio has no foundation whatsoever 
in fact. 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO I 3 

Where, then, it will be asked, did Ramusio obtain his version ? This 
is a question with which we need not consider, yet as a matter of interest 
we may show that it was derived originally from the French. On 
this point we have the testimony of Pinello, who, writing in 1629, speaks 
of the Relation of Verrazano, detailing what he " discovered north of 
Florida." This Relation, it is distinctly said, was in French, and he sup- 
poses that it was translated by Ramusio into Italian. 3 It is also stated 
that a Spanish translation by one Taxandra existed." Pinello was a 
Peruvian, who went to Spain expressly to pursue historical and biblio- 
graphical studies, in which he was eminently successful. In recognition 
of his services he was made honorary Judge of the Admiralty at Seville. 
He wrote more than two centuries and a half ago, and must be credited 
with a knowledge of the subject. It is apparent that he had information 
respecting Verrazano that is not accessible now, and when he says that 
the French version was the basis of that given by Ramusio the statement 
may be accepted. Alcedo, a Spanish author, vouched for by Mr. Smith 
as of " good repute," also refers to a French version of the Letter in his 
MS. Biblioteca Americana, nowin the Carter-Brown Library at Providence 
"escrita en Diepa en frances a 8 de julio, de 1524;" in connection with 
which Mr. Smith admits that if the original Letter was written in French, 
it would account for the marked difference in style and language of the 
two translations into Italian. 

From the testimony of these writers, as well as from the very nature 
of the case, it follows that a version of Verrazano's Letter existed in 
French, independent of the abstracts given by French compilers. To 
deny the statement of Pinello, would be to assume a superior knowledge. 
Assumption, however, will not avail, and the testimony of this remote 
and unprejudiced writer will stand. The version referred to must have 
been obtained at an early period by the Spanish spies and agents who, as 
is well known, infested all the ports of France at the period when the 
voyage was made. This version probably exists to-day at Seville. The 
Spaniards kept themselves informed respecting Verrazano. Martyr calls 
attention to his piracies 5 and Gomera mentions his exploits in 1553." A 
quarter of a century before Pinello's work appeared, Herrera made an 
abstract of the Voyage of Verrazano, evidently from the French version 
of the former. 7 

The Letter of Verrazano, after its publication in 1556, was not referred 
to, in any printed work now known until 1563, when Hakluyt (Divers 
Voyages p. 91) translated Ribault's voyage to Florida, written the year 
before. Ribault possessed some account of Verrazano's Voyage, though 



14 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

his statements differ slightly from Ramusio's. If any inference is made, 
it must be that Ribault possessed a French version, and not the Italian of 
Ramusio. Ribault was born at Dieppe, a rendezvous of Verrazano, who 
is described as " of Normandy " as well as "of Rochella." In his younger 
days he was doubtless familiar with the form of the well known Floren- 
tine Navigator, as he went and came amongst the sailors and citizens of 
this ancient town, and was acquainted with his exploits. 

Next is Laudoniere, 1566, who, in speaking of the Navigator, contra- 
dicts both Ramusio and the Dieppe Captain of 1539; the former with 
respect to the latitude reached at the South, and the latter where he says 
that the Portuguese call the New World " La Francese," Laudoniere 
calling it " Terra Francisca." The latter variation is simply verbal, yet 
as slight as it may be it is the only indication at hand. Whatever it may 
be worth, it does not prove that he drew his account from the Italian. 
It has been said that Laudoniere makes the same mistake as the 
Dieppe Captain in associating Louise, the Regent, with the voyage. 
But in fact neither errs. The title of Regent is recognized as a 
title that belonged to her. There is nothing whatever to indicate 
that the title belonged to her in 1524, or that, as Rege?it, Louise 
had anything to do with the voyage. The reference to the Letter in 
Belief orest (1570 p. 75) and Lescarbot (1609) are consonant with the ver- 
sion of Ramusio. This, however, supports the statement of Pinello, that 
Ramusio translated from the French. Belleforest certainly did not get 
from Ramusio the statement made in 1570 that Verrazano died in 1524; 
or the fact that the Island called Claudia was properly "Lozse." If it be 
said that the original French has disappeared, the same is true of the dis- 
course of the Dieppe Captain, besides Ribault's Journal and many other 
documents. 

But let us inquire if there appears to be any other testimony hitherto 
overlooked which indicates a French version of the Letter. Some- 
thing of this kind possibly exists in the Cosmographic of Jehan Allefonsce, 
the Pilot of Roberval in 1542. 

The treatise of Allefonsce was finished November 24th, 1545, or two 
years before the death of Frances I., to whom it was dedicated. Alle- 
fonsce himself died before it was completed, and the task was finished 
by his friend, Raulin Secalart, as was attested at the time. In this Cosmog- 
raphic, so-called, there are certain indications showing the possible influence 
of Verrazano. Something of the kind might be expected, from the fact 
that Allefonsce followed the sea twenty years before, and as many 
after, the voyage of Verrazano. He probably knew all of the navigators 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 1 5 

r.nd privateersmen of France who were worth knowing. Besides, he 
shows the influence of the Verrazano Map in his own sketches, his Bay 
of the Isles being the same as the Florentine's Bay of Refuge, a fact to be 
pointed out in connection with the map illustrating Verrazano's Voyage. 
That Allefonsce knew Verrazano will hardly be denied, though instead 
of Verrazano, he once mentions Cartier, his work being simply sailing 
directions "by the aid of which pilots may find unknown countries." 
Indeed, Allefonsce does not even mention his own voyage to Canada as 
the Pilot of Roberval. In what way, then, does he indicate his acquaint- 
ance with Verrazano ? This is accomplished, if at all, by what is possibly 
a plagiarism. Allefonsce was neither an original nor a skillful writer, 
and, therefore, finding some descriptions in the Letter of Verrazano that 
served his purpose, it is possible that he used them with such variations 
and additions as circumstances required. This was the case with Gosnold's 
scribes in 1602, though the fact exhibited by the present writer in 
the New England Historical Genealogical Register (January 1873) had 
never before been pointed out. Gosnold and his colaborers, however, had 
Hakluyt's English translation of Verrazano and wrote in English. On 
the other hand, the French version probably used by Allefonsce is want- 
ing, and we are not able to place the French of the two writers side by 
side. Hence the verbal resemblances, so noticeable in Gosnold and other 
English plagiarists of the Florentine are lost. But the indentity of ideas 
remain. In compiling his account of the new found world, Allefonsce 
desired to make the most of his subject, and at one point he turns 
from the north to take a general survey of the country. In doing this he 
defines the boundaries, saying that Hochelaga, included in the Patent of 
1542, extended south-west as far as Figuier, thus including the entire 
region visited by Verrazano. Then he seems to turn to the Letter, and 
to use the general account of the country, seeking to combine in one glow- 
ing picture the attractions found from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. 
Here he transposes the order observed by Verrazano in two or three in- 
stances. In the narrative of Allefonsce the forests are described after 
mentioning the situation of the country, while the subject of gold is put 
before it. Allefonsce makes an extravagant allusion to the gold of Cibola, 
because at the time he wrote the fabulous wealth of that region was ex- 
citing all minds. 

After readjusting these two topics, the rest stand almost parallel with 
the order observed by Verrazano. Supposing this done, it may be noted, 
first, that the Florentine says that the " East " stretches around this coun- 
try, while Allefonsce thinks that this is "the utmost bounds of Asia." 
The latter says that these countries " border on Tartary," while Verra- 



1 6 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

zano, in Ramusio's version, speaks of " the wild deserts of Tartary," and 
both remark upon the productions of the East, the one speaking of 
"medicinal" and "aromatic drugs," and the other of the medicinal 
quality of the trees. Next they agree that the forests are both vast and 
various, and that the country is gold bearing, the Florentine putting the 
gold in or near latitude 34 N., and Allefonsce in 35 ° N., or the parallel 
of Cibola. Afterwards both writers mention quadrupeds and birds in 
immediate connection, closing up that topic in a similar way, Verrazano 
saying " man)' other similar [beasts] and with a great variety of birds for 
every kind of pleasant and delightful sport," Allefonsce adding to his 
account, " various other sorts of birds and beasts." The succeeding topic 
is the water supply, and this opens the way to speak of the climate, of 
which Allefonsce cannot give so good an account as Verrazano, being 
obliged to generalize in speaking of the North and South at the same 
time. Then follow the winds and the rain and the disposition made by 
nature of the general humidity. Verrazano says the prevalent winds of 
Summer are north-west, with a clear sky and " but little rain," while Alle- 
fonsce agrees that the west wind " brings no rain." Even in treating 
the topic which might perhaps appear the least promising of all, Alle- 
fonsce seems to be holding on to the thought of the Florentine, which 
here concerns the disposition that nature makes of the moisture in the 
atmosphere. On reaching this point he realizes that he is in a high 
northern region, and must come directly to the point, not discussing "all 
these regions." Therefore, instead of saying with Verrazano, who was 
speaking of summer skies, that the sun dissipated the moisture, he tells 
his reader in substance, that the moisture, which is so dense as to be 
styled rain, is frozen in the winter time, and falls to the earth in the form 
of snow. Here he reaches the end of his list of subjects ; but still he 
has not finished, having failed to do justice to the forests, which Verrazano 
dwells upon with delight. Casting his eye over his manuscript, he seems 
to perceive a deficiency, and adds after his account of the snow, " there 
are also forests as beautiful as ever you could possibly see any where in the 
world; " which done he goes on with a description of the creatures that 
were found in the Canadian Sea, coloring his narrative by the aid of the 
second voyage of Carrier. 

Let the reader study these two accounts side by side, and he will 
perhaps find that the coincidences are too striking to admit the sugges- 
tion that they are the result of accident. Verrazano, apparently, was 
known to Allefonsce. He used the order as a matter of convenience, 
endeavoring at the same time to warm the climate of Canada by associat- 
ing it with the entire country from the South. For the convenience of 




/MARCELLO JT. CERffflI A 

ori&emrio nuratn 

SENESE, SOGGETTOnt 
DOTTRINA, E 

>jfa^ejue, ddc f.^llaerqio sfflUZ. 




SQMMO FONTEFICE 
PULCL4N(IE NOBILE 
WfaSMUMM FRI/BENZA, 

''0 BONEi FREGMTO. 
mart, dopo zi.aicrni, di JPoftQ 



ficato ru-l etc pmo. ^AZaaaio ^/f£UET^ 

•Jjee&eato al merito ULrte/olarc dell' J/lunb:,b ~J\mo: ^lorduznorc.^JUdcran,, 

dro UJe, Lsonti. CierrUU J/iitriT^o *Jaie/e>, Cant» del ritro <-Arc£pzfcotv 

/zi. ^Jeertet cd ep, <s *^nLgruzto del i^/ud. >JPontefiew>. 

<Jrefo d<z uet J&ua-dro e/iftisite. prefett ifl' JfllmL <J{fjf. L-cn£o Cerrini dv<Jicaei,. 



THE LETTER OF VERRA.ZANO 



17 



the reader the langauge of the two writers has been given in parallel 
columns, the chief points being italicised. An extract from Barlow's de- 
scription of North Carolina in 1584 is also inserted, to show that he drew 
on Verrazano in a similar manner, though " Master Winter " gets the credit. 
A detached extract of Verrazano's Letter is added to throw light upon 
the remark of Allefonsce concerning La Rochelle, which appears to have 
been suggested by Verrazano's remark about the parallel of Rome. 



VERRAZANO 

Ascending farther, we found several 
arms of the Sea which make through in- 
lets, washing the shore on both sides as 
the coast runs. An outstretched coun- 
try appears at a little distance rising 
somewhat above the sandy shore in 
beautiful fields and broad plains, covered 
with immense forests of trees more or less 
dense, too various in colors and too de- 
lightful and charming in appearance to 
be described. I do not believe that 
these are like the Hercynian forest or 
the rough wilds of Scythia [Tartary] and 
the northern regions full of vines and 
common trees, but adorned with palms, 
laurels, cypresses and other varieties un- 
known in Europe, that send fourth sweet- 
est fragrance to a great distance, but 
which we could not examine more closely 
for the reason before given, and not on 
account of any difficulty in traversing the 
woods, which, in this country are easily 
penetrated. 

As the "East" stretches around this 
country, I think it cannot be void of the 
same medicinal and aromatic drugs and 
various riches of gold and the like, as de- 
noted by the color of the ground. It 
abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, 
hares and many other similar, and with 
a great variety of birds for every kind 
of pleasant and delightful sport ; It is 
plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds 
of running water : and being in latitude 



This island hath many goodly woods 
full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, 
rove in the middest of summers in incred- 
ible abundance. The woods are not 
such as you find in Bohemia, Moscovia, 
or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the 
highest and reddest cedars in the world, 
far bettering the Cedars of the Azores, 
of the Indies or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, 
Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or tree that 
beareth the Masticke, the tree that bear- 
eth the rine of blacke Sinnamon, of 
which Master Winter brought from the 
streights of Magellan, and many others 
of excellent smell and qualitie. [Hak. 
III. p. 246.] 

ALLEFONSCE 

It is said that the inhabitants of the 
country pretend that in a country called 
Cibola, in latitude 35 N., all the houses 
are covered with gold and Silver, 
and they use nothing but gold and Silver 
vessels. These countries border on Tar- 
tary, and I think this is the utmost bounds 
of Asia, (acording to the Spericity of 
the globe, and therefore I think it would 
be well to have a small vessel of about 
seventy tons burden, with a view to ex- 
plore the coast of Florida. I have my- 
self been in a bay as high up as 42 ° be- 
tween Norumbega and Florida without 
finding the bottom, and I do not know 
whether it extends any farther.) In all 



1 8 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 



34° the air is salubrious, pure and 
temperate, and free from extremes of 
both heat and cold. There are no vio- 
lent winds in these regions, the most pre- 
valent are the north-west and west. In 
the Summer, the season in which we 
were there, the sky is clear with but little 
rain. If fogs and mists are at any time 
driven in by the south winds, they are 
instantly dissipated, and at once it be- 
comes bright again. 



This region is situated in the parallel 
of Rome, being in 41 ° 40' of north lati- 
tude, but much colder from accidental 
circumstances and not by nature. 



these regions there are great quantities of 
timber of various kinds, such as oaks, 
ash, cedar, cypress, dwarf holly and arbor 
vita, which are of Medicinal qualify. 
They have some timber almost as white 
as snow, and common pine, of which 
they make Ship's masts, aspen trees, birch 
resembling cherry tree, also very large 
cedars, hickory and small nut trees. 
There have also been found red plums 
resembling what are call Coubrejean. 
There are also large wild peas, as well as 
gooseberries and strawberries. More- 
over you find many wild animals such as 
deer, roe bucks, porcupines, bustards, 
cranes, wild geese, owls, turtle doves, 
crows, ravens, and various other sorts of 
birds and beasts. (Small snakes are also 
found such as you may see in France. 
And the Savages say that unicornes are 
also found. Whatever is sown here re- 
quires but two or three days to spring 
up. So well does grain thrive here, that 
have myself counted twenty-six Kernels 
in a Single year of the same sort which 
Jacques Cartier has sown. So rich is the 
ground that if you sow in March your 
crop will be ripe in the middle of August. 
The water is much better here than in 
France, and my impression is that if the 
land were worked as as it should be and 
thickly settled, it would be quite as warm 
as at La Rochelle. The frequent snenus 
that fall here, are owing to the fact that 
when it rains the rain is speedily turned 
into snow. Rain does not occur here ex- 
cept with the East wind j the west wind 
brings no rain. With the north wind there 
comes abundance of snow: From Novem- 
ber to February it snows constantly and so 
hard that the snow is often six feet deep 
There are also forests as beautiful as you. 
could possibly see any where in the world. 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO ig 

Such is this curious piece of testimony from the Cosmographic of Alle- 
fonsce ; the reader will judge of its worth. Beyond question it is worthy 
of consideration ; for though the extracts given contain two or three sen- 
tences not strictly connected with the subject, the thread of thought is , 
identical with that of the Florentine. 8 It therefore appears reasonable 
to suppose that Verrazano's Letter existed in the French language in I 
France twelve years before its publication by Ramusio ; since it cannot I 
be said that Verrazano plagiarised the narrative of Allefonsce, or that 
both made use of a third writer to us unknown. 

By a curious coincidence, Hakluyt, in borrowing from Verrazano to 
illustrate his Discourse on " Westerne Planting," (Maine Coll. s. 2. vol. 
II., p. 22) uses substantially the same portions supposed to have been used 
by Allefonsce for the same purpose. Many instances of similarity in de- 
scription could be given, since in describing the productions and charac- 
teristic of a country, writers are inclined to follow the order of topics 
often pursued in connection with natural history, yet such a reference of 
this example would not prove satisfactory. Buckingham Smith in his 
Inquiry (p. 7) summarises the passages supposed to have been used by 
Allefonsce ; while so striking are the descriptions that in the Mercator of 
Hondius (Amsterdam 161 1) we find them taken at second hand from 
Barlow, whose plagiarism has already been quoted. The work in ques- 
tion says (p. 371) "Mais elles ne sont comme in Boheme, Moscovie, ny 
Hyrcanie chauves et steriles," &c. There is, therefore, something in 
the Letter of Verrazano that various writers have very naturally laid 
hold upon, which may have been the case with Allefonsce. Whatever 
view the reader ma) r take of this part of the discussion, the main argu- 
ment remains ; for it is demonstrated, apart from the constructive argu- 
ment concerning Allefonsce, that the two known versions of Verrazano 
must be referred to an earlier version as their common source, and that 
the Letter was known in France at the time of Francis I. That Cartier 
should be mentioned by Allefonsce may appear to be opposed to the 
argument; yet the most painstaking examination will not afford any 
proof of that Cartier furnished his description. 

The probability that the Letter of Verrazano was known to Allefonsce 
is strengthened by the fact that another French writer of that period 
makes a distinct reference to the voyage of the Florentine. This is the 
author of what is called, " the Discourse of a great Sea-Captain, a French- 
man of the town Dieppe," written in 1539, and published by Ramusio in 
1556, in the same work that contains the Letter of Verrazano. This Dis- 
course gives a general description of the North American Continent, and 



20 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 

says, " following beyond the Cape of Brettons there is a land contiguous 
to the said cape, the coast whereof extends west by south-west as far as 
the land of Florida, and it runs full 500 leagues, which coast was discov- 
ered fifteen years ago, by Messer Giovanni du Verrazzano in the name 
of King Francis and Madame the Regent, and this land is called by 
many la Francese." This Discourse was written by some one in the 
Expedition of Parmentier to Sumatra, 1529, and its authenticity has never 
been questioned. The original, like that of the Verrazano Letter, has dis- 
appeared, and though possibly traces of it may yet be found in Spain, 
where the French cop)' of Verrazano's Letter existed, probably having 
been drawn from France during the life time of Francis I. To repeat 
the charge that the reference to the Letter of Verrazano in the Discourse 
of the Dieppe Captain was interpolated by Ramusio can not be tol- 
erated, since the whole theory of interpolation has been destroyed, by 
the demonstration of the fact that the version of the Verrazano Letter 
given by Ramusio was not and could not have been worked over from the 
version of Carli. There being no evidence therefore to the contrary, 
the recognition of Verrazano by the Dieppe Captain in 1539 must stand. 
In a subsequent chapter it will be demonstrated that the Map of Hie- 
ronimo da Verrazano, made in 1529, is alone capable of proving that the 
Letter of Giovanni existed prior to that date, and that the Map was based 
upon the descriptions of the Letter. It will thus appear that the theory 
that this Letter was the forgery of a later period, or about the year 1540, 
and intended to flatter the civic pride of Florence, will not hold. It 
shuts up the mind to insuperable objections, and makes too great a 
claim upon our faith. It requires us to believe that the forgers under- 
took their work while Francis I. was still alive ; that no precautions were 
taken to prevent its publication in 1556, when the seaports were full of 
men who could have denied the claim had it been false ; it is to sup- 
pose that untravelled Florentines possessed exact knowledge of the con- 
dition of New England ; it is to suppose that Ramusio, the learned 
Secretary of the Venetian Council, conspired, independently of the orig- 
inal movers, to aid the deception and flatter the pride of a rival city ; and 
that the Florentines deliberately selected one for their hero who, accord- 
ing to the objecter's theory, perished infamously upon the gallows, or 
else that they adopted his name without investigating his history and 
ultimate fate. It is easier to believe in the authenticity of the Letter 
of Verrazano. 



THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 21 

: The Sclavonians were spread far and and wide, but the true country of Sclavonla formed 
a part of Hungary then as now. It is depicted on Verrazano's map, and is not represented as 
extending to the coast. Illyria was called Slavonia, only because occupied by a Slav population. 

' It is remarkable that Hakluyt, in his first translation of Verrazano's letter (1582), acci- 
dentally omitted the clause that is omitted by Carli, "by the profit we received thereby," yet it 
is imagined that this could not possibly be an omission by Carli, but that it must be an interpo- 
lation of Ramusio's ! That Ramusio interpolated the language "by the profit we receive there- 
by," with reference to the ships from Mexico, is indefensible, since it is absurd to suppose 
that at the late period of July 8, 1524, Verrazano would attempt to convey any obscure 
information respecting an event that was notorious in both France and Spain. In the cruise 
referred to he had only two ships, while in capturing the treasure ships he had six. The cruise 
on the coast of Spain was simply an episode in the voyage begun with four ships expressly to 
explore, and which was finally prosecuted with one. 

3 In the " Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental i Occidental Nautica i Geografica," by Antonio 
de Leon Pinello, Madrid, 1627, p. 79, are the following entries : 

" Ivan Verrazano. Relacion de lo que descubrio al Septemtrion de la Floride, en F races." 
" Ivan Baptista Ramusio la traduxo i la imprimio en tomo 3." 

4 " Ivan Verrazano. Description del nuevo Orbe, segun Taxandra." "Epitome," p. 171. 
The edition of 1738, T, II. p. 620, states, in addition, that Lescarbot followed Ramusio, 
" esta resumida en Marco Lescarbot." In this edition the editor departs from the primitive 
orthography of the Florentine's name, which Pinello gives correctly. That the French and 
Spanish versions existed a considerable time prior to 1627 is evident from the fact that Herrera 
(Dec. Ill, L. VI. C. IX.) gave an abstract of Verrazano's Letter. That Herrera translated from 
Ramusio there is no proof. The Letter was evidently well known in Spain. Alcedo, in his un- 
published Biblioteca Americana, which has a brief notice of the life of Verrazano, gives of his 
writings : " Relacion des descubrimiento que hijo al Septemtrion de la Florida en noumbre de S. 
M. Cristianisima : Escrita en Diepa en Frances a 8 de Julio, de 1524. Idem — Traducida en 
Italiano en la Colecion de Ramusio." From the MS. (Carter-Brown Library,) Vol. II., p. 890. 

5 Epis. 774. Ed. 1530. Dated Nov. 10, 1522. 

6 " La Conquista" de 1553, fol. LXXXVII. See in these connections M. Brevoort's "Verra- 
zano," &c. 

' Dec. III., L. iii. C. IX. 

8 The General account of the country by Verrazano includes eleven points, all of which are 
used by Allefonsce, who amplified the most of them and reduces others, after expressing the same 
minute shades of thought. The identity of the two descriptions will appear the more clearly by 
changing the gold mentioned by Verrazano from the fourth to the first place, noting here that 
both writers place the gold in practically the same parallel. The order thus observed by each 
writer will be as here indicated ; topics 2, 3, 4, and 9, 10, n being closely associated with another. 

Verrazano Allefonsce. 

1. Gold. 1. Gold. 

2. Forest (varied). 2. Asia (the East). 

3. The ' ' East " (Asia). 3. Forest (varied). 

4. Medicinal qualities. 4. Medicinal qualities. 

5. Animals (varied). 5. Animals (varied). 

6. Birds (varied). 6. Birds (varied). 

7. The water supply. 7. The water supply. 

8. The temperature. 8. The temperature. 

9. Winds. 9. Rains. 

10. Rains. IO. Winds. 

11. General humidity (moisture dissipated II. General humidity (moisture changed to snow), 
by the sun). 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 



THE previous chapter was occupied chiefly in considering the text 
of Verrazano's Letter. The present will be devoted to the 
Voyage which the Letter describes. It may be necessary, 
however, at the outset to notice a theory, to which attention was called 1 
sometime since in a review not specially devoted to historical questions. 
The theory in question supposes that the voyage of Verrazano was 
never made, but was framed out of the map of Ribero, 1529, by some 
Florentine forger. This theory may be stated briefly as follows : The 
Carli version of the letter makes the total extent of Verrazano's explor- 
ation upon the American coast 700 leagues, a distance included between 
a point 50 leagues south of latitude 340 N. and 50° N., embracing nine 
courses, stated in round numbers as 50, 50, 100, 80, 15, 150, 50, 50, 150 
leagues. Then, repairing to Ribero's map, the author of this theory, by 
a system of measurements, endeavors to make it appear that the divis- 
ions between the corresponding points, 34° N. and 50? N., amount to 
the same sum, less only five leagues, and declares that the courses 
sailed according to the Letter agree with the latitudes and courses on 
Ribero's map. In a refutation of this theory, Mr. Major, the Secre- 
tary of the Royal Geographical Society, curtly observes : " As a matter 
of fact, we find no such 'divisions' on Ribero's map;" which is per- 
fectly true, and the assumed divisions might be left to take care of them- 
selves. The attention of the reader may nevertheless be directed to 
certain facts, as, for instance, to the fact that while the Carli version 
gives the length of the fourth course as 80 leagues, Ramusio makes it 
only 50. The latter also declares that the distance run was -more than 
700 leagues, while the total of his figures is only 670. But the integrity 
of such a computation depends not alone upon the correctness of the 
measurements. There must be the employment of all the factors. In 
this case, however, a crucial point in the discussion is omitted. Refer- 
ence is here made to the fact that a third latitude given by the Letter 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 23 



is not mentioned at all, though this is the latitude especially to be relied 
upon, as it purports to have been fixed during a stay of two weeks. 
Respecting the two extreme points of the voyage, 34 N. and 50? N., 
which the late Buckingham Smith supposes, properly enough, " to have 
been guessed at rather than ascertained,'* no question is raised, but the 
middle and exact latitude, 41 ° 40' N., which must be the middle term 
in any attempt to deduce the Letter from Ribero, is suppressed. To 
illustrate this point, a sketch is given from the Ribero map, which was 
based upon the Voyage of Gomez, accompanied by one from the map of 
Verrazano. Upon the Ribero map is seen indicated the course of what 
the theory under consideration holds as a fancied voyage reduced to the 
form of a Letter after a study of the map. In connection with this 
course the latitude 41 40' N. is not given, only the two extreme lati- 
tudes appearing. This middle latitude, however, has been marked by 
the present writer, and a glance shows that all is solid land west of that 
point. Yet the Letter declares that latitude to have been reached by 
sailing from west to east. Thus a true comparison of the Letter with 
the Ribero map proves that the Voyage was not deduced from the map, 
as the Voyage according to the map was simply an impossibility. 
What is more, if the author of the Letter knew of Ribero's map at all, 
he discredited it as worthless. For convenience, the two sketches have 
been given upon the same sheet. The nine courses sailed by Verrazano 
are indicated on the Ribero map by dotted lines. By a careful measure- 
ment it will be found that the fifth course, instead of ending where it 
would if the theory were correct, that is, in 41 ° 40', terminates near the 
beginning of parallel 44 . If the courses described in the Letter had 
been deduced from Ribero's map, the port of Verrazano, or Bay cf 
Refuge, would have been sought near the Bay St. Antonio. 

Glancing, however, at the Verrazano sketch which accompanies that 
from Ribero, it will be seen that no such contradiction appears. It is 
true that the latitudes of Verrazano are incorrect, which is also true of 
Ribero, though in a lesser degree. By some misunderstanding Hiero- 
nimo placed the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, and the error 
extends up the coast, not being fully eliminated before reaching the lati- 
tude of Greenland. This particular feature of the Verrazano Map, 
however, will be spoken of more fully in the concluding chapter. It 
will be necessary here simply to point out the fact that the coast is quite 
distinctly delineated by Verrazano, and that the point laid down in the 
Letter as in latitude 410 40' east of Block Island, or the Island of 
Luisa, may be reached, as Verrazano states, by sailing from west to east. 



24 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

The Harbor of Giovanni da Verrazano, in 41 40', is marked in the 
map of Hieronimo as the Gulf of Refuge (G. del Refugio). The Letter, 
therefore, deliberately rejects the Ribero map and agrees with that of 
Verrazano. And why? It was simply because the Letter was written 
from an exact knowledge of the coast, such as Ribero did not possess ; 
for while the Italian map shows the coast with tolerable plainness, from 
Sandy Hook to Cape Cod and the neighboring shoals, the Spanish map 
shows no knowledge of the existence of Cape Cod, but exaggerates 
Sandy Hook so enormously that many have fancied that the Hook was 
intended to represent the Cape. Notwithstanding the comparative 
rudeness of Verrazano's outline, it required nearly a century to improve 
upon it. It is this outline that is indicated in both Map and Letter, by 
adhering to which, and by rejecting Ribero, both Letter and Map earn 
the right to be considered authentic. If the true character of the Ver- 
razano Map had been understood and pointed out earlier, the adverse 
theory under review never would have had existence. 

Thus, by the simple method indicated, the assumed divisions of the 
Ribero Map are broken up and dissipated. Besides, it may be remem- 
bered, a forger, who was so exact as to ascertain the fact that during the 
period occupied by the alleged voyage no lunar eclipse took place, would 
not be so dull as to blunder and miscalculate a simple latitude with the 
Map before him ; much less would he give the latitude with such par- 
ticularity. Nor is it likely that a forger, engaged in framing a voyage 
out of the Map, would say that the country was rich in gold, while the 
Map says that it is poor. Again, he would not be so bold as to give an 
island of the size of Rhodes where Ribero indicates nothing of the kind, 
nor would he place the archipelagoes where Ribero has placed none at 
all. This theory is therefore, based upon a misconception of facts, and 
cannot be entertained. Besides, as will be shown elsewhere, the in- 
fluence which Ribero has been supposed to have in Italy never existed, 
while Ribero was repudiated by his fellow countryman, Oviedo, in 1534. 
In this connection it may be proper to give the text of Major's remarks, 
though the Letter does not tally with both Maps. He says : 

" As a matter of fact we find no such ' divisions ' on Ribero's map; but since 
the contour of the country is the same on both maps, it is obvious that if the 
courses and distances in the Verrazzano letter tally, as Mr. Murphy says they do, 
with the Gomez [Ribero] map, they will do so also with the Verrazzano map, 
which is exactly what we should have a right to expect ; and it is equally clear 
that we must look for evidence outside of the maps to trace the source whence 
their cognate geography is derived. And what do we find ? That, whereas we do 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 25 

possess a lengthy narrative, full of minute detail, of Verrazzano's voyage, which 
could bear the minute examination of Dr. Kohl by the light of our knowledge of 
to-day, and which it would be simply absurd to suppose to be constructed on the 
mere skeleton basis of a map, the following is the learned Doctor's comment on 
the Gomez voyage : 'We are unable to designate the track which Gomez followed 
on the ocean. No kind of ship-journal or report, written either by himself or any 
of his companions, has been preserved ; and the Spanish historians Oviedo, Her- 
rera and Gomara, who may have seen such a journal, are extremely brief in their 
accounts of this expedition, although it had a particular interest for Spain, being 
the only official expedition sent out by that country to the northern parts of our 
eastern coast.' In short, the Verrazzano letter contains details which could not 
have been gleaned from any previously existing accounts or maps. We must 
therefore differ from Mr. Murphy, not only as to the fraudulent fabrication of 
Carli's letter, but also as to the statement that without it Verrazzano's letter would 
fall through." 

Let us now proceed to examine the Voyage of Verrazano. Accord- 
ing to Ribault, Verrazano originally sailed from Dieppe, though consid- 
erable time appears to have elapsed before he was able to carry out his 
original intention respecting a voyage to Cathay. This undertaking 
was projected in 1523. Andrade {Chronica de Muyto alto, Lisbon, 161 3) 
says that the Portuguese King was informed by some of his merchants 
residing in France, that Verrazano had offered his services to Francis I., 
nominally for a voyage to the Indies by a new route, but really for the 
purpose of plundering Brazil. The Portuguese Ambassador accord- 
ingly remonstrated with Francis, but as the latter had just contracted 
to marry his son to the daughter of the King of Portugal, it is not rea- 
sonable to suppose that the object of Verrazano's expedition was 
the plunder of the Portuguese possessions. Francis simply replied that 
with respect to the fleet he would arrange all to the satisfaction of his 
royal brother. April 25, 1523, Silveira, the Portuguese Ambassador, 
wrote to his master : " By what I hear, Maestro Joas Verrazano, who is 
going on the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to date for want of oppor- 
tunity, and because of differences, I understand, between himself and 

men I shall continue to doubt unless he takes his departure." 

(Murphy's " Verrazzano," p. 163.) That he left there can be no doubt. 
About the time Andrada wrote, there were, according to Pinello, two 
versions of Verrazano's narrative accessible in Spain. Escaping from 
the embargo laid for the time by Spanish spies, the fleet of four ships 
went to sea. Being overtaken by a storm, Verrazano was obliged to 
enter a Breton port with the " Normanda " and " Dalfina," two others 



26 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

apparently being lost. After making repairs he sailed to the Spanish 
coast, and eventually departed upon his discovery with the " Dalfina," 
the Captain of the other ship leaving Verrazano to go alone. This was 
doubtless the final result of the quarrels between Verrazano and his men 
reported by Silveira. The affair appears to be alluded to by Carli where 
he says : " Brunelleschi, who went with him, and unfortunately turned 
back, unwilling to follow him farther, when he hears of it [the voyage], 
will not be well pleased." In this curious and unexpected manner does 
the concurrent testimony of widely separated writers attest the authen- 
ticity of the voyage. 

January 17th, 1524, Verrazano sailed from a barren rock southeast 
of Madeira, though Carli says, " at the end of January last he went 
from the Canary Islands in search of new countries," an error which 
may be accepted among other things as an indication that the Carli 
Letter did not proceed from the same hand that penned the narrative of 
the voyage. Verrazano steered westward until February 24th, when 
he met a " hurricane, and afterwards veered more to the north." March 
7th he saw land " never before been seen by any one either in ancient 
or modern times," which he readily fancied to be the case, as he wished 
for an excuse for entering upon Spanish ground. Here a significant 
fact may be pointed out, namely, that in crossing the ocean he took a 
direct course. In 1562 Ribault was proud of a similar achievement. 
The custom for a long time afterward was to sail to Newfoundland and 
coast southward, or the West Indies and thence northward. Verrazano 
was on forbidden ground, and as a well-known agent of France his life 
was sought wherever the Spanish flag was unfurled. He therefore took 
a direct course, holding towards the west amidst sunshine and storm, 
until the shores of the new continent rose above the waves. This is 
something that would not have occurred to Italian forgers, or if the 
bold conception had entered their minds, they would not have allowed 
the fancied achievement to be stated by Carli without applause. Rhetoric 
would have been summoned to tell the story of a second Columbus. Ver- 
razano ran down the coast fifty leagues without finding a suitable harbor. 
He probably made this exploration for the purpose of ascertaining 
whether or not the land seen was connected with Florida, the existence 
of which country was known to all the world. In this unstudied state- 
ment is found the work of an honest and intelligent explorer, who 
would make it certain that his own line of observation began far enough 
south to avoid missing any opening to India in the unexplored region 
represented conjecturally in the Ptolemy of 15 13. Returning north- 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 



27 



ward, he landed and met the natives. The landfall is placed in 34° N., 
near Charleston. Evidently the calculation was a rough one. The 
land " stretched to the south," which is true, though the coast trends 
southwest. In this and similar statements there is no effort made to be 
perfectly exact. All the distances are given on the decimal system, 
showing that they were rough estimates, not indeed of the length of 
straight lines from point to point, but approximate estimates of distances 
sailed while coasting between given points. The country is distinctly 
described as it appears to-day — the shore bordered with low sand-hills, 
the sea making inlets, while beyond were beautiful fields, broad plains 
and. immense forests. 

Sending a boat to the shore, the people fled, but by friendly signs 
were induced to return. They exhibited the greatest pleasure upon 
beholding the strangers, wondering at their dress, "countenances and 
complexion." Thus in the same region, in 1584, Barlow says, "They 
wondered marvellously when we were amongst them at the whiteness 
of our skins." The color of the natives is described in the Carli version 
as black and not much unlike that of the Ethiopians, while Ramusio's 
version speaks of them as brown and not much unlike Saracens. That 
Ramusio did not draw his version from Carli has been demonstrated 
already, and the explanation of this variation is therefore the more easy. 
We may suppose that Verrazano made two draughts of the Letter, 
couched in different terms, and if so, the variation need not be attrib- 
uted to the translators. It, however, must be noted distinctly that the 
natives are not described either as Ethiopians or Saracens. Still again, 
"the original by Verrazano may have been, and probably was, written in 
French ; in which case, writing in a foreign tongue, he may have used 
terms that misled his Italian translators, calling the natives "Maures" 
or " Mores," which formerly included both the African and Asiatic 
races. This being supposed, one translator may have rendered the term 
"Saracens" and the other "Ethiopians." In neither instance, how- 
ever, is there any valid objection to the terms. The supplement to the 
French dictionary by Barr6 (Bruxelles, 1838, p. 635) shows that the 
Greeks spoke of the " Moors of Asia," and the term is still used in a 
very comprehensive sense. Italian dictionaries use the word moro indis- 
criminately in speaking of the people of Africa. In the journal of Par- 
mentier, 1529, the inhabitants of Madagascar are called Moors, though 
the island has a black race and handsome olive-colored tribes. This 
journal also speaks of a "white Moor" {More blanc) as appearing with 
the black-moors. (Vitet's Histoire de Normandie, vol. ii, pp. "J7 and 80.) 



28 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

The hypercriticism that has been bestowed upon this subject is, on the 
whole, remarkable. The language of other writers has also been over- 
looked ; for Gosnold's scribe (1602) says that some of the New England 
Indians were " black, thin bearded ; " Lok calls Frobisher's Indians 
"tawny Moors," and Weymouth (1605) says that the Indian women in 
Maine were " well favored in proportion of countenance, though col- 
ored black." Peter Martyr observes that there are " divers degrees of 
blackness" as respects the races. Columbus in his first letter made 
known the fact that the people of the New World were not black, 
which would have been attended to by a forger. Belleforest makes Ver- 
razano say that the people were like the " Mores de la Barbaric" Her- 
rera, in describing Verrazano's voyage, probably out of one of the ver- 
sions mentioned by Pinello, says that their color was the same as that of 
other Indians {ptros Indioi) Dec. III. L. VI, c. 9. These two authors did 
not follow the same text, as has been hastily assumed. The Japanese 
who visited Rome in 1615 are described of a color which borders on 
black {qui tire sur le noir. Archives des Voyage, I, 59). Thevet, also, 
(Les Singular it cz, p. 54), speaking of the natives of America, says that he 
will leave it to the philosophers to say why their color " is not so burnt 
(aditsle) as that of the Blacks of Ethiopia." With Martyr, he recognizes 
" degrees of blackness." It is time to stop trifling with the subject, for 
if there were any error in the Carli Version, the text that follows would 
supply the correction, since even a slight attention to its statement 
would convince the reader that Verrazano was not describing negroes. 
Some were " beautiful," and others were fairer or whiter than the rest, 
and were somewhat long haired. We have portrayed the characteristics 
of Indians, not Negroes. Verrazano says that " the only exception to 
their good looks is that they have broad faces." Here is the Indian 
described with his enormous cheek bones, though it is added with ref- 
erence to their faces, " we saw many that had sharp ones, with black 
eyes." This is plainly a description that the greatest blunderer would 
not apply to the black man of the Ethiopian type. We repeat, there- 
fore, that the general description forbids us from straining any special 
phrase to suit the Ethiopian theory. 

In describing the forests, he speaks of them as he actually saw similar 
forests at a later period. The descriptions may be exaggerated, but what 
early descriptions are not exaggerated ? The variety of the forests might 
well impress any European mind, as they did that of Chateaubriand ; 
for in France, the adopted country of Verrazano, only about forty spe- 
cies of trees attain to a height of thirty feet, while in North America 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 29 

there are one hundred and forty that reach this height, a fact that gives 
the key to the peculiar wealth of color which marks the spring time and 
attends upon the dying year. From the previous chapter we have 
already seen that Barlow, who had Verrazano's Letter in his hand, 
adopted his language in describing the forests, which were not like 
those of " Hercynia." Verrazano says that the forests " send forth the 
sweetest fragrance to the greatest distance," while Barlow says that 
before they reached the land " we smelt so sweet and so strong a smell, 
as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with 
all kinds of odoriferous flowers." (Hakluyt III, 246.) 

Southward the harbors were poor, and northward they saw none, 
yet the coast was not dangerous, " being free from rocks, and bold," a 
description practically endorsed by Ribault, who was, however, more 
successful in finding harbors. Northward Verrazano's experience 
agreed with that of Barlow, who found the region harborless. Henry 
Hudson and Captain Dermer met with the same experience. 

Verrazano continues the description, and says that the coast appeared 
to -stretch across the west, thus apparently indicating the entrance to 
Chesapeake Bay. Some have supposed that "west" was written by 
error for " east," yet such an inference is by no means necessary, espe- 
cially as the Chesapeake appears to be indicated upon the Verrazano 
Map. The language is very general. It is said they continued to coast 
along the shore, which " we found stretching out to the west." Barlow, 
speaking of Wohokon, says," this lande lay stretching itself to the west." 
Verrazano does not say that they followed the coast westward. He 
means to describe only the general trend of the course, not delaying to 
speak of every inlet seen. Everywhere they saw a " multitude of fires." 
Barlow says the same, and observes that they were intended by the 
natives to show the English their numerical strength. Hudson also saw 
the fires, and named one place " Barnende gat," the modern " Barnegat." 
Nor must we omit what Father White says on this point (Force's Tracts, 
Vol. IV), observing as he does that upon the arrival of his ship at the 
head of Chesapeake Bay, " fires were kindled through the whole region." 
Verrazano states that in all this region he " saw no stone of any sort," 
while the coast is actually free from stone. This is remarkable informa- 
tion for a Florentine forger to possess. Perceiving nothing promising 
in this region, Verrazano went northward, where he found beautiful 
forests. He was now passing the shores of Maryland and Delaware. 
Delaware Bay is not mentioned, though it would seem to be indicated 
upon the map of Hieronimo. 



3° 



THE VOYAGE OF YERRAZANO 



Verrazano could find no harbor, and remained three days " riding at 
anchor on the coast." He was probably anchored under Cape May, in 
the mouth of Delaware Bay, which Dermer passed without mentioning 
it in 1619, when sailing from New York to Virginia. He says : " I stood 
along the coast to seek harbors, * * but being a harborless coast, 
for aught we could then perceive, we found no succor until we arrived 
betwixt Cape Charles and the Main, on the east side of the Bay Chester- 
peak, where in a wilde road we anchored." The people at this place fled 
from Verrazano, but in the grass, which, according to Ingram (1568), 
accumulated from year to year, they found an old woman, and a girl of 
eighteen, " very beautiful ; " also two boys. The people made their 
canoes of logs, as described by Barlow and Father White (Maryland 
Coll., 1874, p. 35). Verrazano saw the grapevines in profusion climbing 
the trees, while Barlow, when describing the vines at Roanoke, with the 
Florentine's description before him, says that they climb towards the 
top of high cedars. Though writing of early spring, he says in the 
Carli version that the grapes were " very sweet and pleasant," while 
Hudson (1600) says that the "dryed" currants which the Indians 
brought were " sweet and good." 3 Ramusio's version says that the 
grapes were dried. Which version may be the more correct is not of 
the slightest consequence. That the grapes were dried is perfectly con- 
sistent with the language of Carli, as shown in the previous chapter. 
Possibly the language was originally exaggerated. Cortez makes Mon- 
tezuma drink wine from cellars in a country where wine and cellars 
were unknown. Cartier's "Relation Original" (Paris, 1867, p. 39) de- 
scribes figs in Canada, while Hakluyt (III, 209) mentions dried plums. 
The critic's deep concern about the grapes and the color of the natives 
is really a case of much ado about nothing. 

Passing along the coast of New Jersey, this course being roughly 
put at a hundred leagues, the navigator next reaches the Bay of New 
York. Verrazano says : " We found a very pleasant situation amongst 
some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, 
forced its way to the sea. From the sea to the estuary of the river any 
ship, heavily laden, might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises 
eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would 
not venture up in our vessel without a knowledge of the mouth. There- 
fore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on 
its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the oth- 
ers, being dressed out with feathers from birds of different colors. They 
came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 



31 



and showing us where we could most securely land with our boats. We 
passed up the river about half a league, where it formed a most beau- 
tiful lake, three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty 
or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with 
multitudes, who came to see us. All of a sudden, as it is wont to happen 
to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced 
us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region, which 
seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed also 
must contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals." 

In 1619, Dermer was also driven away from this harbor, where 
he fancied, from the account of the Indians, that he should find a passage 
to the Western Sea of Verrazano. He says : " We were forced back 
with contrary and overflowing winds, hardly escaping both [,with] our 
lives. Being thus overcharged with weather, I stood along the coast to 
seek harbors." (New York Coll., I'ser., Vol. I, p. 353.) 

Of the Western Sea Verrazano makes no mention while describing 
the coast between latitude 340 N. and New York, though its existence 
is taken for granted in his cosmographical appendix, as will be pointed 
out. Respecting the descriptions thus far, Mr. Buckingham Smith 
frankly admits that " the general character of the land and its vegeta- 
tion could have been so correctly described only from actual observa- 
tion." This being the case, who except Verrazano could have written 
the description, since it is known that Gomez (1525) did not? With 
respect to the correctness of the description of New York Bay, nothing 
needs to be said, as the sketch is easily recognizable. On the map of 
Hieronimo this part of the coast is associated with St. Germaine, the 
splendid residence of Francis I. The Bay of New York is exaggerated 
as respects its size.' 

The next course of the Navigator was eastward. Ramusio's version 
makes the distance fifty leagues, while the Carli version says eighty, 
though both are exaggerations. Sailing this course along the shore of 
Long Island, distinctly indicated on the map, Verrazano reached a tri- 
angular shaped island, said to be ten leagues from the land, and about 
the size of the famous Island of Rhodes. This must have been Block 
Island, though the latter is too small, and cannot be compared to 
Rhodes in size, notwithstanding the similarity in shape. As this subject 
will come up in the following chapter, in connection with the Map of 
Verrazano, we may simpby observe now that we have no right to deny 
that a man ever saw a certain island, because he erred in his estimate of 
its size. The terms throughout the Letter are the loose terms often 
employed by sailors. 



32 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

At this point, evidently, Verrazano had reached the waters of Narra- 
gansett Bay. This triangular island, which, after the mother of Francis 
I., he called Luisa, occupies the same position in the map of Hieronimo 
da Verrazano that Block Island holds on modern maps. Passing this 
island at a distance, he went on fifteen leagues more to a place in lati- 
tude 41 40' N. It is worthy of notice that the old interpreters of the 
Letter had no difficulty in recognizing the places described. In 1583 
Captain Carlisle urged the establishment of a colony near latitude 40 
N., while, as noted in the previous chapter, Gosnold sailed to this 
place in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter in his hand. The Explorer 
did not land upon the island of Luisa, but went forward, and found 
an excellent harbor. The distance of this island from the land is 
set down as ten leagues, though Block Island is not more than 
five. Verrazano wrote, more or less, from recollection, and thus goes 
wide of the mark. Brereton and Archer, the historians of Gosnold's 
voyage, also misstate the distances, and some of their statements are 
unintelligible. 

Entering the harbor of Newport, Verrazano was met by twenty 
canoes, full of astonished savages, who kept at a distance while they 
viewed the structure of the ship and the dress of the strangers. Finally 
they seemed to be satisfied with what they saw, and expressed their 
feelings, Indian fashion, by shouting in chorus. By the distribution of 
trinkets and toys, some of them were induced to go on board the Dal- 
fina. Evidently they had never seen Europeans before, and did not 
know the value of arms nor implements made of iron. The " looking- 
glasses " shown them caused a smile, and they returned them as soon as 
they had looked at them. Thus the Maine Indians " laughed " when 
mirrors were presented them by Weymouth, 1605. Verrazano says that 
these people had "two Kings, more beautiful in form and stature than 
can possibly be described. One was about forty years, and the other 
about twenty-four." The elder wore around his neck a large chain, 
ornamented with many stones of different colors, which may have been 
wampum. Their complexion is described as tawny, and " greatly resem- 
bling the antique." If Verrazano had happened here at the time of the 
annual mourning, he might have found them black and so described 
them, as the New England Indians, as well as others, painted themselves 
black at regular intervals. 

Respecting the " two Kings " found by Verrazano presiding over 
the people, it may be observed that the Narragansett Indians were liv- 
ing under this kind of government when the English came, a century 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 33 

later. Roger Williams (Key, 120) says: "Their government is mon- 
archical; yet at present the chiefest government of the country is 
divided between a younger Sachem, Miantunnomoh, and an elder 
Sachem, Canonicus, of about four score years old, this young man's 
uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable." Here 
we find the same order indicated by Verrazano, Canonicus and his 
nephew being no doubt descendants of the Sachems who received the 
Florentine with the kindness which Roger Williams declared to be an 
eminent characteristic. The Letter states that " one of the two Kings 
often came with his queen and many attendants to see us for his amuse- 
ment ; but he always stopped at a distance of about two hundred paces, 
and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying that they would 
come and see our ship. This was done for safety, and as soon as they 
had an answer from us, they came off, and remained a while to look 
around ; but on hearing the amazing cries of the sailors, the King sent 
the queen with her attendants in a very light boat [a bark canoe ?] to 
wait near an island, a quarter of a league distant from us, while he 
remained a long time on board." 

It has been suggested that this was analogised from Peter Martyr 
(Sec. 1, Lib. IV), where he describes the visit made to the brother of 
Columbus by the Cacique of Xaragua and his sister, a suggestion dis- 
posed of in the "Church Review" (July, 1878). If, however, such had 
been the case with reference to the language, it would prove nothing, 
since Martyr's descriptions of the West Indies were published twelve 
years before the Letter of Verrazano was written. To show that the 
Letter was not the composition of 1524, it must be shown that the 
Letter quotes from some work of a later date than 1524. There is no 
proof whatsoever that the author of the Verrazano Letter derived any 
aid from Martyr, though if he had it would not reflect upon the authen- 
ticity of the Voyage ; otherwise we should have to conclude that 
Barlow made no voyage, because he plagiarized Verrazano. This 
brings us to the narrative of Barlow once more, who speaks of the 
degree of state observed by the savages. At Roanoake, he says, " the 
King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced." 
Again, the " King's brother's wife " when " she came to visit us (as she 
did many times), was followed with forty or fifty women always ; and 
when she came to the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two 
daughters, her nurse, and one or two more." 

Verrazano and Roger Williams agree respecting the state maintained 
by these savage potentates, and the same testimony is borne by Dermer 



34 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

and Levett. The declarations of the Letter, that the savages " imitated 
us with earnestness and fervor in our acts of worship," agrees with the 
experience of navigators and the known politeness of the Indian (Hak- 
luyt III. 221, and Herrera IV. 248). The Indians guarded their women 
carefully, according to Verrazano, and Martin Pring (1603) uses Verra- 
zano's Letter in speaking of this characteristic. 

Verrazano relates that " on entering the woods, we observed that 
they all might be traversed by an army ever so numerous," having 
also noted that farther to the south the " woods are easily penetrated." 
" Mourt's Relation" (1620) says that the woods are for the "most part 
open," and " fit either to go or ride in." The " New English Canaan " 
of Morton (1632), speaking of the country in 1622, says, "the trees grow 
here and there, as in our parks, and makes the country very beautiful 
and commodious." Wood, in his " New England Prospect," says that 
the natives kept the forests clear. Having now entered up a rocky 
region, the material of the arrow-heads changes ; and Verrazano notes 
that instead of using bone, the chief material employed on the coast 
southward, they used for the most part " emery, jasper and hard mar- 
ble," meaning white quartz. Brereton in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter 
in his hands, speaks of "emery stones" and "alabaster very white," 
which perhaps was nothing but quartz, as true alabaster does not occur. 

The fruits of the country appeared to be different from those of 
France and Italy, while species of trees unknown in Europe were 
observed. Verrazano also mentions that the natives took the deer in 
traps, one of the first facts noted by the Pilgrims when they came into 
the country. 

The Letter says that their dwellings were circular, and that some- 
times twenty-five or thirty lived in the same house. Roger Williams 
confirms the statement ; while, upon the other hand, whoever wishes to 
know how Indian houses were represented in Italy, should consult 
Bordone's hole del Mondo, (Ed. 1528, Book 1.6); and for France, Thevet's 
Cosmographie, (Ed. 1575, II. 1007), where a solid Romanesque architec- 
ture, takes the place of the pointed style of Bordone. 

This is the place where, according to the Letter, any fleet might ride 
in safety. In the sketch which accompanies this chapter, it is marked 
as the gulf of Refuge {del Refugio). Here Verrazano notices that the 
Indians are long-lived, which is confirmed by Williams, Gosnold and 
Lescarbot. (Nouvelle France, Ed. 1612, p. 770.) The manufacture of 
mats, mentioned by the Florentine, is confirmed by all writers. There 
is also abundant confirmation for the statement that the natives were 




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firm mmMzmffl) 

L HffCOPMITOBUt 

ruzfo ar&z. i£ JfCDMMK 



BMLLA MTOE& -PAWCM. 
marlo net MDJCXF. 






'■ ?£cdti 4^. 






THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 



35 



' kind and charitable towards their relations, making loud lamentations 
in adversity," and at their death join " in weeping, mingled with singing 
for a long time." One of the most curious pieces of information given 
by the Florentine, is the fact that they had a way of curing sickness 
" by the heat of the fire." Roger Williams describes the process, which 
consisted of putting the patient in an underground oven intensely 
heated. (R. I. Coll. I. 158.) This was another curious fact for a Floren- 
tine forger to know. Those who wish to learn what was actually 
taught in Italy on this particular subject, may consult Benzoni. {Mondo 
Nuovo. 1565, p. 55.) This "forger" appears to have indulged in a whole- 
sale correction of standard Italian authorities. 

The Letter is characterized by various omissions, it is true, and there 
is no positive description of the aboriginal money called " Wampum," a 
currency that did not become of interest to Europeans until long after 
1524. Ribault (1562) says nothing about wampum, nor does Ingram 
(1568), nor Barlow (1585), Pring (1603), nor the Popham Journal (1607). 
Worse than all, Marco Polo, in his account of China, says nothing about 
tea; a melancholy way of writing history, the critic thinks. Verrazano 
also fails to mention the use of tobacco, but this is the case with Ribault, 
Barlow, Ingram and the Popham Journalist. Various writers, after the 
example of Verrazano, fail to give any specimens of the Indian language. 
So, likewise, nothing is said about bark canoes, unless indeed the " very 
light boat" already referred to, was of that character, which is not 
improbable. This failure to refer to the bark canoe has been considered 
the " most remarkable omission of all," and the critic says that " this 
light and beautiful fabric was peculiar to the Algonkin tribes." We 
shall see, however, that it was not so peculiar to the New England 
Indians. The truth is that the omission forms a proof of the authenti- 
city of the voyage. We have at present no distinct proof that the bark 
canoe was used at all on the Rhode Island coast in very early times, 
while the log canoe was used all along the Atlantic coast nearly as far 
east as the Bay of Fundy. It is probable that even on the Maine coast, 
the bark canoe was not often used at the time of Verrazano's voyage 
farther north ; where the trees were small, the use of bark was a neces- 
sity. In Maine and Massachusetts the trees were large, and fire would 
build a canoe, a process of naval construction which doubtless prevailed 
until the introduction of steel knives and hatchets. Then the use became 
divided, and where canoes were required for inland portages they were 
made of bark, while for more or less of the rough coast work the log 
canoe was used. Lescarbot (Nouvelle France, Ed. 1612, pp. 561, 576) 



36 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

describes their manufacture ; and, speaking of the visit of the French to 
Saco, Maine, he says, " presently the sea was seen all covered over with 
their [the Savages'] boats, laden with nimble and lusty men holding 
themselves up straight in them, which we cannot do without danger, 
those boats being nothing else but trees hollowed out." (Purchas IV. 
1633.) The original reads, des arbrcs creuscz. Champlain describes the 
log canoe at Cape Ann, and the mode of its production (CEuvrcs, III. 59- 
60). The log canoe, the primitive canoe of all nations, was still the 
representative canoe of New England in 1604, and was the canoe of the 
Rhode Island coast in 1524. The allusion to it by Verrazano was 
correct.' Altogether the amount of curious and exact information which 
he gives is remarkable, and it goes far to substantiate the authenticity of 
his Letter, the curious points of which have been brought out the clearer 
by adverse criticism. 

Of the Harbor of Newport, Verrazano gives an exaggerated yet tol- 
erable description. The wrong latitude given to it in the map will be 
explained elsewhere. He describes the harbor, properly, as opening 
towards the south ; and " in the midst of the entrance there is a living 
rock {pietra viva) formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of 
any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbor." The 
island referred to is probably Goat Island, where the lighthouse now 
stands ; while the " shining stones, crystals and alabaster " are referable 
to the brilliant lime-rocks many years ago cut away to the water's edge 
by General Cullum, to build the modern forts that protect the city and 
harbor. 

Verrazano left the Bay of Refuge May 5th (16th, new style), and 
proceeded on his cruise, sailing a hundred and fifty leagues along the 
coast in sight of land, and without delay, as the wind was fair. He per- 
haps went outside of the island of Martha's Vineyard, and upon reach- 
ing the northern end of Cape Cod, shaped his course for the heights of 
Plymouth, both to learn the character of Cape Cod Bay and to keep in 
sight of land, through which he may have hoped to find a strait. In the 
Letter no mention is made of Cape Cod, but that remarkable place is 
depicted upon the map, together with the neighboring shoals of Nan- 
tucket. Verrazano probably was the first navigator in the sixteenth 
century who saw Cape Cod, which he rounded, and thus reached a 
point eastward from the Harbor of Refuge. The highlands of Ply- 
mouth and the Blue Hills may have been sighted, after which the course 
would lie outside of Cape Ann to the borders of Eastern Maine. Here 
the people appeared rude, like the country, marked on the map, " inuclia 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 



37 



getite." The natives bartered from the rocks, and gave the French a 
shower of arrows. Verrazano nevertheless forced a landing, and 
examined the country. In treating the eighth course he seems still to 
be describing the Maine coast, and is repeating himself, as he may have 
done elsewhere. The region reminded him of the Adriatic Gulf, and a 
comparison of the charts of the two regions will show that the resem- 
blance is striking. Buckingham Smith applied the description to Maine, 
and conceded that it was admirable. Oddly enough, however, Botero 
{Rclatio Universale, 1640, p. 172) confounds this region with the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence, and says that Verrazano counted thirty-seven instead of 
thirty-two islands, as the Florentine himself states, while Herrera speaks 
of fifty-two. 

Mr. Smith in his " Inquiry " (p. 17) says : " How any one, following 
the shore to Nova Scotia — in this instance a mariner on the lookout for 
a strait opening the way to Cathay, and discovering the series of islands 
extending along Massachusetts Bay eastward to Cape Sable — should 
fail to get into the Bay of Fundy, is certainly beyond explanation ;" 
while Mr. Murphy, in his " Voyage of Verrazano," (p. 56), says that 
in running this course the Florentine would have " been finally locked 
in the Bay of Fundy." This might seem to prove conclusively that 
Verrazano was never on the coast, but the same argument would banish 
Gomez, as neither the accounts of his voyage nor the Map of Ribero, 
which is supposed to mirror it, gave any hint of the Bay of Fundy. 
The trouble, however, is to be found in the fact that Mr. Smith had 
never seen the Map of Verrazano, while Mr. Murphy was imperfectly 
acquainted with it ; for, though the Letter gives no description of the 
bay, the Map of Verrazano shows that he saw it. East of the Penob- 
scot are two openings, one of which, " Terra Onde," " the deep land," 
indicates this great inlet. Among other maps after Verrazano is the 
so-called map ot Cabot, 1542, which lays down " rio fondo" and Mer- 
cator, 1569, makes it " r. Hondo." Dr. Kohl calls attention to the 
circumstance that the Bay of Fundy is not referred to in the Letter of 
Verrazano, nor mentioned by Gomez ; yet he recognizes the fact that 
the bay was known, and says : " We find on the first old Spanish maps, 
in the latitude where it ought to be, names like these: ' Rio hondo,' or 
fonda (a deep river) ; or ' Bahia honda,' or fonda (a deep bay) ; or ' gulfo' 
(a gulf) ; once also ' La Bahia de los Ensenada' (the bay of the deep 
inlet). I presume that these were Spanish names for that bay." The 
" terra onde" of Verrazano, however, is apparently the first indication 
of the bay, and it proves that the place was known to him at the time 



38 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

he made the voyage. The objection of the hostile critic, therefore, is 
not well taken, and has no weight. 

It is not probable, however, that Verrazano explored the Bay of 
Fund)-, as he was approaching the end of his voyage, while the 
region was full of perils, especially for a navigator ignorant of the 
locality. What he actually saw was nevertheless recorded, and, as we 
have seen, was reflected in the cartology of following times. Still 
progress in delineating the outlines of the coast was slow. The penin- 
sula of Nova Scotia was fully indicated by the fraudulent Thevet 
(Cosmograpliie Universelle, 1575), who took his narrative from some 
French navigator, and gave it as the result of his pretended personal 
observations. In 1593 a geographical work published at Antwerp gave 
a rude map, indicating Nova Scotia as an island, but it was not until 
the beginning of the seventeenth century, when Lescarbot and Cham- 
plain published their maps, that the delineations of the coast began to 
take an exact form. Nevertheless, as late as 1624, De Bry, in one of his 
general maps, calls the bay a river, as Mercator does, styling it " r. 
/undo." A hundred years later the name was spelled " funda," though 
at present it is called " Fundy." 

Many voyages might be quoted that make no reference to important 
points, which nevertheless appear in maps accompanying the text. 
Such is the case with the Voyage of Verrazano. This instance, more- 
over, demonstrates the truth of the statement made by Verrazano, that 
he had a " little book" which contained man}- details not recorded in 
the letter. It appears that the book in question was used by his brother 
in the construction of the map, which is the earliest map now known 
indicating the Bay of Fundy. The two writers who have criticized the 
supposed ignorance of the author of the Letter respecting the bay, 
instead of detracting from the trustworthiness of the narrative, simply 
emphasize the value of the Florentine's observations, and call attention 
to points that demonstrate the authenticity of the voyage. In fact, it 
will appear in the end, when all the testimony respecting his career is 
presented, that few navigators are more indebted to hasty criticism than 
the Florentine Explorer. 

Three points among others were fixed in American cartology by the 
Voyage of Verrazano, the Bay of Fundy, Cape Cod and Sand)- 
Hook. Cape Cod was generally known as " C. Arecifes" and " C. 
Baxos." Its position is clearly defined by such writers as Oviedo, 
Gomara and Linschoten, and various map-makers at different periods, 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 39 

under the influence of Verrazano, showed some knowledge of its exist- 
ence. Dr. Kohl fancied that Cape Cod was indicated by " C. Muchas 
Isles," forgetting that this was a cape near the Penobscot, and over- 
looking the fact that this name was placed by Homen east of " B. Este- 
van guterres," the latter word being a misspelling of Gomez, whose 
Bay was the Gulf of Maine. From these and other considerations, the 
reader will perceive that the failure of Verrazano to explore the foggy 
Bay of Fundy, where only the most skillful navigator is able to feel his 
way, is not so remarkable after all. The wonder is that he should have 
observed as much as he did during the short time he remained upon this 
new and unknown coast. Whoever has been baffled for weeks together 
by the fogs of that region will have nothing to say against Verrazano. 

Verrazano next sailed northward again, making, according to Ramu- 
sio's version, a hundred and fifty leagues, while according to the state- 
ment of Verrazano's Cosmographical Appendix he reached the latitude 
of 50 N. In the previous chapter the fact is pointed out that there is 
no real disagreement on the point between the two versions of the 
Letter. But whether or not he really went so far north as 50° is of little 
consequence. Nevertheless it is a surprise to find any one assuming 
that Verrazano meant to teach that the coast up to the limit of his 
voyage was seen by him for the first time. It is true that he speaks of 
seeing a land in 34 N. that was never seen before, a remark already 
pointed out as exculpatory, though by no means suggested by fancy. 
But the real grievance, in the eye of the critic, is found in Verrazano's 
statement that he had " discovered {discopertd) seven hundred leagues 
and more of new countries." The condemnation of this statement is 
followed by Mr. Murphy in the "Voyage of Verrazzano," (p. 57) with a 
disquisition proving that Europeans had a " prior knowledge " of those 
countries. This prior knowledge cannot and need not be denied. It is 
remarkable that any one should suppose this prior knowledge to be in 
the slightest degree inconsistent with the statement of Verrazano, that 
he had " discovered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries. 
The facts were always perfectly understood. Ramusio 6 states that 
Aubert in the Pensee had visited Canada in 1508, from which time and 
long before, the region of Cape Breton, Newfoundland and Labrador 
was continuously visited by Basques, Bretons and Portuguese, the latter 
having gone to 50 N. and probably farther. To represent either 
Verrazano or Cartier as the first European who saw the country would 
be absurd. When Cartier, in 1534, explored the gulf of St. Lawrence, 
he was piloted to a harbor by a French vessel whose commander was 



40 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

familiar with the ground. The next year, when he readied Quebec, 
the natives, who had already seen more Europeans than they wished to 
see, tried to frighten him away, and also used words proving that they 
had been in previous communication with the French. As early as 1527 
there was a considerable fleet of various nationalities that for a long 
time had been accustomed to visit St. John's. These things were well- 
known in Europe, where no person of the commonest geographical 
information could be ignorant of what was so notorious. Every tyro 
knew of the fisheries of Newfoundland and Cape Breton, and of the 
fleets annually sailing thither ; therefore to suppose that the author of 
the Verrazano Letter, whoever he may have been, was ignorant of the 
facts, and represented the navigator as opening up a country never 
before visited by Europeans, is indefensible. 

The Letter, however, was written by a man conversant with science 
and with the progress of maritime discovery, who, as already pointed 
out, even knew that no lunar eclipse took place during the voyage of 
Verrazano. What, then, did Verrazano mean, by saying that he " dis- 
covered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries ? This 
brings us face to face with the truth which may not be forgotten in such 
a connection, namely: That the meaning of " discover " {discopertd) has 
changed and narrowed since Verrazano and other earlier writers des- 
cribed our coasts. Verrazano meant just what Barlow meant, when, 
in 1584, he said that his expedition "discovered part of the country 
now called Virginia." Again, he meant what the Dutch taught in 1614, 
by saying that they had " discovered and found " " new lands between 
New France and Virginia, the sea coast whereof lies between forty and 
forty-five degrees." (Holland Doc. I. 11.) All this region had been 
visited and mapped by both French and English, as the Dutch well 
knew. The word " discover," therefore signified to explore or survey. 
This was the sense in which Verrazano used the term, and it will be 
impossible to force any other interpretation of his words. 

It is said by Mr. Murphy in the " Voyage of Verrazzano," (p. 39, n) 
that the " Voyages Avantureux," attributed to Allefonsce, and published 
in 1550, "gives almost a contemporary denial * * of the Verrazzano 
discovery of the country." The view is based upon the statement of 
the work in question, that the river of Norumbega " is newly discov- 
ered by the Portuguese and Spaniards." This work, however, is not 
the work of Allefonsce. Respecting the force of the terms, it may be 
said that " newly " signifies either " recently " or " anew." If the latter, 
then the declaration is that Norumbega had been rediscovered by the 



THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 41 

Portuguese and Spaniards. If, on the other hand, it was intended to 
mean that in 1559 it had lately been discovered for the first time, the 
statement also gives a denial to the voyage of Allefonsce, who sailed on 
the New England coast, and wrote of Norumbega nearly twenty years 
before. It also discredits the voyage of Gomez in 1525, notwithstand- 
ing Norumbega was the region called by his name. The truth is that all 
the compiler of the work, incorrectly attributed to Allefonsce, meant 
was that Norumbega had been re-explored recently by the Portuguese and 
Spaniards. Still, even if the language in question did give a denial to 
the Verrazano discovery, such denial would have no force, in the face of 
the incontrovertible fact, that in 1529 the brother of Verrazano laid 
down Norumbega upon his map, which represented the navigator's voy- 
age. On this map, a copy of which was presented to Henry VIII., 
some distance southwest of Cape Breton is found " Oranbega," simply 
a form of Norumbega, so variously rendered on the old charts. 

Verrazano does not mention seeing any fishing vessels around Cape 
Breton, and in fact may not have seen any. Ships often steam from New 
York to the Irish coast to-day without sighting a sail. Yet Verrazano, 
like all the world, knew that fishermen were there. Such cheap infor- 
mation might well have been introduced by a forger devising an imag- 
inary voyage, but it was not required on the part of a veritable explorer 
like Verrazano. Therefore it is that we find him making no effort to 
describe the northern regions, already so well known, while the regions 
to the south, about which Europe would desire information, he describes 
with the greatest particularity. 

In his brief resnmt of the voyage Verrazano makes a poor account 
of distances, which Humboldt assures us are of little use in such 
connections ; while respecting the courses sailed he is hardly more 
exact, only three of the many are given between Newport and New- 
foundland. To criticise such a general narrative with the measuring 
rod in hand, would be both unscientific and unjust. The author of the 
Letter teaches that his statements in this respect are of a general char- 
acter, where he informs the King that accounts of his explorations 
would be found in the " book," which he hopes " may prove service- 
able" to navigators, saying ; "We therefore determined our progress 
from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various 
instruments by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by calcu- 
lating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one horizon to 
another." 

To recapitulate the points of the voyage of Verrazano would be to 



42 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 

repeat nearly the whole chapter. It must, therefore, suffice to remind 
the reader of the fact, that at every stage of the exploration we have 
the careful, yet unstudied narration of an actual voyager. Proceeding 
from south to north, the character of the country, the people and its 
productions, undergo their proper changes. This takes place without 
any effort on the part of the writer to indicate that his knowledge is 
superior. The most curious facts are stated without any triumph or 
ostentation. The spirit of the literary forger is nowhere to be found. 
In the description of the voyage is discovered a simple, plain and modest 
attempt to state in general terms what the navigator observed in passing 
along the coast of a new and unexplored country. The truthfulness of 
his narrative has been attested by witnesses of the greatest value, since 
no higher compliment can be paid to a traveler than to have his des- 
criptions recognized as truthful, and copied by those who come after 
him. This, however, was done by successive writers and observers for 
nearly a hundred years, during which time the achievements of Verra- 
zano exerted a marked influence upon American exploration. Thus the 
Dieppe Captain, Allefonsce, Ribault, Barlow, Archer and Gosnold all 
give the highest testimony to the authenticity of the voyage, which 
adverse criticism has assailed in vain. 

1 The American Church Review, July, 1876. 

5 The small dried grape of Corinth was called a ' ' currant," the latter term being a corruption 
of the former. On account of their resemblance, the term "currant" was applied to the whole 
genus Ribes by the English, after the dried fruit came to be imported. The " Currant" of Hud- 
son may therefore prove to be nothing less than the grape of Verrazano, both describing the same 
thing, one speaking according to the English style, and the other after the manner of the men of 
the Levant, a region with which he was familiar. 

3 One of the Plymouth Company in 1621, discovered what was supposed to be a great inland 
sea, and if a map had been made without further exploration, we should have found on it a great 
sea behind a narrow isthmus, after the Verrazano pattern. A reminder of the discovery at Ply- 
mouth is found in the name still used, " the Billington Sea." Dexter's " Mourt," p. 71. 

4 See Stenitz on "The Ship;" Pinkerton's Voyages (XIII); De Bry's " Pirigrinationes in 
Americam" (Part I, ed. 1590, Plate 12). 

5 If Ramusio " worked over" the Letter of Verrazano, why did he not square the statements 
of the Letter with the voyage of Aubert and others, which he published in the same work with 
Verrazano's ? 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 



THE Verrazano Map, of which the North American section is now 
presented with the coast names for the first time, was drawn by 
Hieronimo da Verrazano, the brother of Giovanni the Navi- 
gator. Concerning Hieronimo, comparatively little is known. The late 
Buckingham Smith would not believe that any such person as the map 
maker was ever known, and associated the investigations of Tiraboschi 
with " speculative history." What he refers to in this phrase is a passage 
in a letter written by Annibal Caro from Castro, in Sicily, prior to Octo- 
ber, 1537, and addressed to members of the household of M. di Gaddi, 
at Rome. In the course of his letter, Caro says : " As for you, Verra- 
zano, a seeker after new worlds and their wonders, I cannot as yet tell 
you anything worthy of your map ; for we have not yet passed through 
any country which had not been discovered already, either by you or 
your brother." A "slight examination" of the life and writings of 
Caro was sufficient to show that at this time he was a teacher in the 
Gaddi family, and that, while absent on a journey, and " sportively 
addressing his pupils," he " makes reference to their studies and exer- 
cises in geography and map making." Such was the theory that Mr. 
Smith devised for the purpose of getting rid of the map maker. The 
subject is referred to here for the purpose of illustrating one of the 
methods employed in seeking to discredit the voyage of Verrazano. 

When some knowledge of the map of Hieronimo was afforded by 
an imperfect photograph furnished to the American Geographical 
Society, it became sufficiently clear, even to the prejudiced, that the 
Verrazano addressed in 1536 by Caro was no school boy, but that the 
map maker alluded to was a person who had achieved a reputation 
seven years before, he being no other than the author of the Verrazano 
Map of 1529, now preserved in the Borghian Museum of the Propaganda 
at Rome. , In the year 1876, however, some documents were printed at 
Paris in the Revue Critique, which proved anew the relationship between 



44 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

Giovanni and Hieronimo. These documents exist at Rouen, being, 
powers of attorney executed by Giovanni, in which, May, 1526, he refers 
to " Jerosme de Varasenne, his brother and heir," signing himself "Janus 
Verrazanus " — this being the only copy of his autograph now known 
to exist. Jerosme, or Hieronimo, appears to have been his brother's 
agent. In 1536 he was in some way connected with the household of 
Gaddi, a rich Florentine resident at Rome. Probably he maintained 
the relation of a familiar friend. Of his death, at present, we have no 
account. The identity of Hieronimo never should have been doubted 
any more than the voyage of Giovanni. In the autograph of Giovanni, 
which appears in the Rouen document, the name is spelled, as in the 
map, with a single z. The following is z.fac simile: 



04U16 S/exxa. 





"Janus " also appears in the Carli version of the Letter. " Verrazano " 
is spelled with double 2, but that version, as already pointed out, is not 
the original. The double z is introduced by error. The photographer 
of the map in Rome made the same error, writing in double z, when the 
original spelling, perfectly legible, was before him. The single z occur- 
ring in both the Rouen document and the map is significant, while the 
recurrence of Janus in that document and in the Carli version of the 
Letter, so far as it indicates anything, teaches that the Letter and the 
Rouen document proceeded from the same source. A manuscript ser- 
mon by one of the family, according to Mr. Brevoort, is signed with a 
single 2.' 

The Map of Verrazano forms one of those indefinite, yet effectual, 
protests made against the system of Ptolemy towards the middle of the 
sixteenth century, when the shape of the American continent was 
being developed. The system of Ptolemy supposed that no continent 
existed in the Atlantic, and that it was possible to sail from Western 
Europe to India. This was the view of Columbus, who had no original 
ideas, being a mere copyist, and died in the belief that he had actually 
demonstrated the truth of the old theory. Thus Strabo (c. 1.) wrote: 
" Nor is it likely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas by 
narrow isthmuses, so placed as to prevent circumnavigation. How 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 



45 



much more probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted ? Those who 
circumnavigate the earth do not say that they have been prevented from 
continuing their voyage by any opposing continent, but through want 
of resolution and the scarcity of provision." 

The Map of Verrazano represents the improved Italian cartography 
at the time when it had reached the peculiar phase, expressed not only 
by the outlines of the map, with its narrow isthmus separating the 
Atlantic from the Pacific Seas, but by the observation of the navigator 
himself, where he says to the King of France, " My intention in this 
voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, 
however, to find in the new land some such obstacle as there has 
proved to be, yet I did not doubt that I should penetrate by some pas- 
sage to the Eastern Ocean." He then refers to the fact that the Ptol- 
emaic system supposed an open sea between Europe and Asia, without 
intervening land, a theory that Hieronimo was relinquishing with regret. 
October 15, 1524, Cortes wrote to the Emperor of Spain that he intended 
to send a fleet to search for a strait between Florida and Newfound- 
land ; while in 1525 Gomez undertook such a voyage. 

The Verrazano Map is the earliest known map which shows an 
isthmus near latitude 42 N. The author fixes the date of the map at 
1529, by saying that "Nova Gallia" was discovered five years since. 
The words " Mare Occidental " are not found on the map. 

The earliest Spanish map of North America now known to the 
geographical world, was made in the year 1500 by Juan de la Cosa. It 
shows a solid coast line, while Cuba appears properly represented as an 
island. Ruysch, in his map of 1508, shows a coast line, but it resembles 
that of Eastern Asia, upon which he engrafted the outlines of New- 
foundland. Cuba appears as an island of almost continental proportions. 

Before Ruysch's Map appeared at Rome, a map of the world was 
engraved in Lorraine, being originally intended for publication in 1507, 
though it was not brought out until published in the Ptolemy of 15 13. 
Evidently it was drawn between 1501-4, and sent from Lisbon to the 
Duke of Lorraine. At all events the engraver finished his work before 
Duke Rene's death, which took place December 10, 2 1508. At this 
period the Portuguese were active in the Gulf of Mexico, and doubtless 
explored Florida. There is a manuscript in the Admiralty at Seville, 
which shows that in May, 1503, Juan de la Cosa went to explore Uraba ; 
and that, July 13th, he sent a courier to his government, complaining 
that the Portuguese had been to the country discovered by Bastides. , 
In August, Cosa went to Spain, to lay the whole matter before the 



46 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

Court, as the Portuguese had arranged to make still another voyage. 
At Segovia, Cosa presented to the Queen two charts of the New World. 
These, apparently, are lost. (Ramon de la Sagra's "Cuba," II, 488.) 
The Lorraine Map of 1513 (Llewell's " Moyen-Age," II, 145) contains 
nothing in particular that is taken from either Cosa or Ruysch, though 
it appears to have had its origin somewhat in common with the latter. 
It indicates the progressive spirit so evident in Martyr's Map, published 
in 151 1, which laid down Florida a " beimeni." On this point the reader 
may also consult Varnhagen. ( " Le Premier Voyage de Amerigo 
Vespucci," 1869, p. 24.) The map of 15 13 shows North and South 
America, with Florida and the Gulf of Mexico fully defined, though the 
Cape is placed in 35 N. With this map we have the commencement 
of the North America portion of the Map of Verrazano, whose author, 
either without sufficient study, or by a clerical error, adopted the wrong 
latitude, which was too high by about eight degrees. For the extreme 
northern portion of his map, Hieronimo used some chart similar to that 
of Pedro Reinel, which appears as Number III. in the accompanying sheet 
of sketches. The intermediate portions of the coast were made up from 
material and hints afforded by his Brother's Voyage. Another reason 
perhaps for leaving the latitude of Florida as given in the map of 1513. 
and as also found in one of the maps of Kunstman's Atlas ( Sheet 4) 
may be found in the fact that Giovanni did not explore Florida, while at 
the time Hieronimo drew his map he had not heard of the Exploratior 
made in that region by Ayllon, 1523. He knew, however, of the Voyage 
of Garay, made to the northerly part of the Bay of Mexico, in 1521, foi 
the purpose of discovering any rich cities that might be situated along 
the coast ; thus carrying on the work of Cortes and Ponce de Leon 
Garay being succeeded by De Soto. Garay's survey was extended 
nearly to the peninsula of Florida. The limit of his voyage is stated 
upon the Map of Verrazano, precisely as upon the undated sketch given 
by Navarrete (III, 148) in connection with the Cedula of Garay. The 
legend is omitted in our present representation of the Verrazano Map 
on account of the lack of space. It runs, however, as follow : " Qiv 
comincio a discoprir franc de garra tdtima della Nova Hispania; " or, " here 
begins the voyage of Francis Garay, the limit of New Spain." By 
commencing with the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, the 
central portions of the coast shared in the error, which is not eliminated 
until reaching Newfoundland. This must be understood very distinctly, 
since confusion will otherwise ensue when the reader comes to examine 
the regions representing the Bay of New York and the Rhode Island 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 



47 



coast, which are placed six or seven degrees too high. Under the cir- 
cumstances, the latitude may be thrown out altogether, as the configur- 
ation of the coast is recognizable. 

Prior to the time when this map was made, a passage to the west, 
through the North American Continent, was supposed to exist, notwith- 
standing the fact that the map of 1513 gave a conjectural coast line as 
high as latitude 55 N. This point, therefore, renders it necessary to 
refer to the "Isole del Mondo" of Benedetto Bordone, written in 1521, 
being sanctioned by the Pope the same year, and by the Venitian Sen- 
ate in 1526, though not printed until 1528. This work (L. Primo, pp. 6 
and 1 1 verso) gives two maps, which, taken together, exhibit the chief 
portions of North and South America. With respect to North Amer- 
ica, the remarkable thing is, that for its outlines Bordone adopted the 
outlines of Greenland as found upon the Zeno Map, published at Venice 
in 1558. 3 

After speaking of regions of Northern Europe, Bordone says ; " To 
these is added the island newly discovered by the Spaniards and Portu- 
guese, in which there is a country called Laboratore, which is in the 
Western Ocean, trending towards the north part, west opposite Ireland. 
It is eighteen hundred miles long, and extends towards the west two 
thousand miles, and thence turns south and south-west, in a manner that 
it forms a strait with the new world, which is east and west with the 
Strait of Gibraltar, and this part extends a thousand miles ; and from 
what the navigators say until the present day, though no person has set 
foot upon the land, it is well inhabited." The maps accompanying the 
account agree perfectly with the description, which we must remember 
was prepared for publication and approved three years before the voy- 
age of Verrazano. Bordone next proceeds to describe the people 
according to Pasqualigo, who gave an account of the voyage of the 
Cortereals, published in 1508. Bordone's work having been published 
in 1528, was doubtless seen by Hieronimo, who, instead of copying the 
open strait, put a narrow peninsula in that region, according to his 
Brother's Letter. 

That the Map of Verrazano was drawn at the period claimed is cer- 
tain, since a copy of it was presented to Henry VIII. If it had been 
the forgery of a late period, the maker would have complimented the 
navigator sufficiently to avoid the errors of latitude. This chart is evi- 
dently the one referred to by Annibal Caro in 1537. 

Amongst the names placed by Jerome upon the peninsula of Florida 
are those of " Dieppe " and " Livorno," which, it has been said, were 



48 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

given to indicate the beginning of his brother's exploration on the 
American coast. Livorno, however, appears as " G. Livor," or the 
Gulf of Leghorn, applied to the waters on the west coast of Florida by 
the map of 15 13, which is number IV. of our sketch. The name, how- 
ever, disappears in the later editions. The names taken from the map 
of 1513 were used by Verrazano in entire good faith, as was the case 
with those from Reinel. 

The exploration of Verrazano, instead of being limited by the names 
on the map, beginning with Livorno, is indicated in part at least by 
three flags, of which the most southern stands near the isthmus of the 
western sea. When the latitudes of the map are corrected, the flag is found 
where, according to the Letter, it should be found, namely, near 34 
N. The northernmost flag probably was not intended to show the limit 
of the voyage, but rather the limits of the region explored by Verra- 
zano, as the Breton flag succeeds the three flags of Verrazano. We 
know that these flags were intended to indicate the claims of Francis I., 
because upon the original map they are blue, which about that period 
was made the color of France, in opposition to the white flag of Eng- 
land. Francis I., it would appear from Vernouel (Les Couleurs de la 
France, p. 25), had something to do in confirming the use of this color. 
These flags bear no device whatsoever, and the precise time when the 
lilies came into general use is not apparent. 

A careful study of the map will show that, with all its defects, it 
possesses excellencies not found on any other map of the sixteenth 
century, and proves at the same time that, with the exception of Florida 
and Newfoundland sections, it was based upon an original survey of the 
Atlantic coast from North Carolina to Cape Breton. Speaking of the 
Letter of Verrazano, Mr. Smith says that it " was written at a time so 
far back, that the entrances of the coast of the ' Lay of the Land ' were 
imperfectly or not at all known, and that it was dated too far forward, 
to be in proper relation with the progress of maritime discovery." 
Nothing could be more remote from the truth than this. Rhetoricians 
tell us that, if we wish to test a figure, we should paint it. The same is 
true of a geographical description ; and when that of Verrazano is thus 
treated its value is evident. Hieronimo, in a sense, painted the voyage 
of his brother, the Navigator, the result being so admirable that it 
required nearly a hundred years for geographers to make any real 
improvement upon his work. As Mr. Smith never saw the Verrazano 
Map and knew nothing whatever about it, he may be excused for giving 
utterance to opinions like those set forth in his " Inquiry." 




Verrazana sitic Gallia nova quale discopro 

l Giovanni di Verrazano fioreniino 
JP.er ordi?ie et comandamata del Chryslia 




No. 5. Section of the Globe of VIpius, 
1542, after the Verrazano Map 

No. 5. Section of the Gastaldi- 
Ramuslo map, from Verrazano. 

No. 7. Section from the Map of All- 
fonsce, 1548, after Verrazano. 

No. 8, Section' of Lok's Map, 15S2, 
copied by him from the Verraz- 
ano Map .presented to Henry VIII. 

Note. All except, No. 1, are shown en 
a scale one fourth of lie orioinsl. 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 49 

The false latitudes of the map have prevented it from being under- 
stood. In considering it, therefore, the latitudes must be discarded. 
When this is done, the student will have no difficulty in recognizing the 
outlines of the North Atlantic coast. For general correctness, the 
delineation is not equalled by any map of the sixteenth century. Much 
that is wanting in the Letter appears in this Map. The peninsula of 
Florida is unmistakable, and, moving northward and striking the coast 
in the region of the Carolinas, we find the well known Cape Hatteras in 
Cape " Olimpo." Near " Santanna " is the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 
and at Palamsina is the entrance of the Delaware. The coast of New 
Jersey follows with the well known Sandy Hook at its northern extrem- 
ity ; " San Germano " marking a large bay, which is the Bay of New 
York. This bay is exaggerated, because it formed a prominent point in 
the narrative. The peninsula indicates Long Island, supposed to be 
attached to the Continent, and which was not known to be an island 
until the seventeenth century, the entrance to Long Island Sound being 
narrow and filled with islands. The coast still stretches eastward, 
beyond the Island of " Luisa," or Block Island, to a cape called "Bussa," 
and a long Syrtis indicating Cape Cod and Nantucket Shoals. The 
harbor of Verrazano is given east of Luisa, as " G. del Refugio." Pass- 
ing Cape Cod, the coast turns more northward, and then, properly, 
eastward again. The great river near the Cape of " San Luis " might 
stand for the Penobscot or the Saco, the latter being, perhaps, the more 
probable. From this region to Cape Breton the map has no special 
features, the coast being delineated as it often was in subsequent times, 
the Bay of Fundy not appearing with much distinctness, if at all. No 
map now known to the public of an earlier date than the seventeenth 
century, except Homem's, 1558, shows that bay, though its existence was 
known, the peninsula of Nova Scotia having been compared to the 
peninsula of Italy, 1575, as indicated in the previous chapter. 

Under the circumstances, it is remarkable that the outline of the 
coast should be so recognizable. In the Map of Ribero, based upon the 
Voyage of Gomez, 1525, no indication whatever is found of the peculiar 
region between New York Bay and the Penobscot. Gomez is credited 
with having observed and named the Hudson " San Antonio," which 
Verrazano mentions as the river of the " Steep Hills ; " but, if he came 
to New York Bay and went eastward, he has given no hint whatsoever 
of the region now embraced by Long Island, Connecticut, Rhode Island 
and Massachusetts. As it is, we have no account of his visiting the 
region in question, and it would be quite as reasonable to suppose that 



50 THE VEKRAZANO MAP 

the naming of the Hudson on the map of Ribero was one result of the 
Voyage of Verrazano, in 1524. The Penobscot is the only region clearly 
denned by Gomez, and his visit cannot, perhaps, be denied. In the 
Ribero map, Sandy Hook is wildly exaggerated. Attention has already 
been called to the fact that many supposed that it was intended to 
represent Cape Cod; whereas that cape has no representation in the 
sixteenth century maps, be)-ond what was given by Verrazano. After 
the year 1529, the knowledge of the coast between the Delaware and 
the Penobscot suffered a decline. The map of Hieronimo was used, but 
the high latitudes given to the region confused the copyists, and Long 
Island eventually disappeared, being known no more until it reappeared 
in the Dutch " Figurative Map " (Holland Documents) in connection with 
the explorations of Adrian Block ; though Allefonsce evidently knew of 
the existence of Long Island Sound. In the meanwhile the coast was 
represented in a crude fashion, New England being obliterated, while a 
great gulf, which Dr. Kohl confused with the " Gulf of Maine," was 
thrown in between Sandy Hook and the Penobscot. Apart from the 
Verrazano Map, and those which show its influence, Cape Cod had no 
delineation in the maps, though its position in relation to Sandy Hook 
and Cape Breton was understood by historians and cartographers. 
This view of the subject is amply vindicated by the careful study of the 
maps subsequent to Verrazano. Let us next proceed to notice the effect 
of this map upon subsequent delineations of the coast. 

The earliest existing map now known, showing the influence of the 
Verrazano Map, is that of Agnese, 1536, with an open sea and isthmus 
near 40 N. There is nothing to indicate that Agnese preceded Verra- 
zano. Besides, the map referred to by Carli, October, 1537, must have 
been in existence in Italy for some time at the date of the Letter. 

The Ptolemy of 1540 breaks up the solid continent, which on the 
map of 15 13 extends from 35 N. to 55 N. It also shows an open sea 
in a modified form, the land northward being called " Francisca," a 
name evidently recognized by the Portuguese prior to Cartier's voyage 
in 1534- 

The influence of the Verrazano Map is next seen in the plan of a 
globe published by Gerard Mercator at Louvain, in 1541. This work, 
republished and accompanied by a celestial globe in 1551, was bought 
for a trifle by a representative of the Royal Library at Brussels in 1868, 
when the collections of M. Benoni-Verelst were disposed of at Ghent. 
The plans contemplated a globe about fifteen inches in diameter. It 
was dedicated to Nicholas Parrenat, Lord of Granville. In 1875 it was 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 5 1 

reproduced in fac simile by the Belgian Government, the edition being 
limited to two hundred copies. Though it bears the date of 1541, the 
material from which it was composed belongs to an earlier period, as 
it makes no reference to the explorations of Cartier. The Sea of Ver- 
razano is not indicated. The North Atlantic coast line appears to have 
been drawn in accordance with " some of his great globes," which 
Willes says (Hakluyt III, 25) " continued the West Indies, even to the 
North Pole, and consequently cut off all passage by sea that way." 
The central portion of the coast line would appear to have been copied 
out of the Verrazano Map, showing thereby that the map in some 
form was probably known to Mercator. The general plan of Merca- 
tor's globe resembles that of Vlpius, made the following year, indicating 
that both may have worked from a common model, one using coast 
lines and the other names from Verrazano. The globe of Mercator, 
like the Map of Verrazano, shows the Bay of New York, Long Island 
and the regions of Narragansett and Cape Cod. The Syrtis of Verra- 
zano is represented differently by Mercator, showing possibly the influ- 
ence of some other map. The whole region near that Syrtis is dotted 
to indicate the shoal water found on modern charts. The nomenclature 
of the map is different, and one is at loss to know upon what principle 
Mercator at this early period introduced some of the new names, as 
there is no distinct account of any voyage to the region which might 
have suggested them. Cape Cod appears to be indicated by " Mala- 
brigo," which would signify commotion or strife, the meaning being 
analogous to the " Bussa " of Verrazano, and the " Baturier " and " Mal- 
lebarre " of Champlain. In fact, all navigators who saw the cape incline 
to designate it with reference to the tumult created by the shallow 
water on the coast. The Island of Luisa is not laid down by Mercator, 
though we shall see that it appeared in his subsequent map. The 
Italian names of Verrazano are discarded, his work not being designed 
for use by people of that nation. The peninsula of Florida and the 
neighboring region bear names that appeared in several maps of Ptol- 
emy, beginning with 15 13. The central latitudes are also thrown too 
high, as in the Verrazano Map ; and, to get rid of the excessive east- 
ward projection of the latter's coast line, Mercator at the wrong point 
extends his coast line northward, making the part corresponding with 
Long Island trend in that direction, instead of toward the east. But 
whatever may be the deviation, there can be little doubt but that Mer- 
cator was influenced by Verrazano. 

The open Western Sea of Verrazano reappears upon the globe oi 



5 2 THE VEKRAZANO MAP 

Vlpius, 1542, a portion of which is given in sketch numbered V. This 
globe was made for Cervinus, the Cardinal-Presbyter of Santa Croce, 
afterwards raised to the pontificate as Marcellus II. The globe affords 
the clearest proof of the growing influence of Verrazano. The coun- 
try is called " Verrazana sive Nova Gallia]' having been discovered 
"Anno Sal. M. D." The maker of the globe probably intended to 
complete the date, but did not. The statement that Cervinus was 
unable, with all his facilities, to learn the date of the voyage is a pure 
invention. The names on the globe afford convincing proof that the 
map of Verrazano was used. Amongst the names are " Selva de 
Cervi," " Piaggia de Calmo," " Lungavilla," " G. di San Germanus," and 
"Refugium promont." A careful comparison of the map of Jehan 
Allefonsce of about 1552 (see sketch III.) with the maps of Verrazano, 
Gastaldi and Ramusio, will show that they all belong to the same 
family. The sketches of Allefonsce are very rude, but it is evident 
that his Bay of the Isles is the same as the Bay of Refuge on the map 
of the Florentine. The resemblance is clear when compared with 
the map in the Ramusio of 1556, to which reference will be made in its 
place. The Island of Luisa, without the name, appears to be indicated 
by Allefonsce, who puts the Norumbega River too far south, inserting 
it in the delineation which represents the region of Narragansett. 

The next map to be mentioned is Ruscelli's, 1544 (Kohl's Maine, p. 
297), which indicates the influence of Verrazano by its isthmus and 
Western Sea, but the author of the map falls back upon the ideas of the 
old geographers, who made America a part of Asia. The nomencla- 
ture of this sketch is scanty, though near latitude 40? N. is seen " Mon 
tagne Verde," a name then in general use. In his coast line, as in his 
general system, Ruscelli distinctly repudiates Ribero, whose alleged 
influence in Italy never existed. The map published by Ramusio at 
Venice in 1534 has been attributed either to Ribero or to the anony- 
mous map of 1527, which, together with Ribero's map, passed into 
Italy at an early period. (Murphy's " Verrazano," p. 125.) This, how- 
ever, is a mistake. The map upon which Ramusio based his sketch of 
1534 was a map in the Museum of the Propaganda, of which a section 
is given herewith. Ribero was repudiated by his own countryman, 
Oviedo, in 1534, when that writer described the North Atlantic coast 
from the map of Alonzo Chaves. 

A sketch from the map is given in connection with Ramusio's " Indie 
Occidentali" Venice, 1534, that the reader may make the comparison, 
which shows that the published map was based upon the manuscript 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 



53 



chart. This map is undated, but it is an early production, and no part 
of it has ever been published until now. A general account of it is given 
by Thommasy. {Nouvelles Annates des Voyages, T. XXXV, 1855, 11. s.) It is 
of considerable interest, apart from the present discussion, for the reason 
that on the line of division traced by Pope Alexander VI. on a map 
which divided the New World between Spain and Portugal, there is the 
following : Carta divisionis Castellarum et Portugacn. The inscription is 
given verbatim. The map has been considered as of Italian origin. 








W 



XExtracrfromaMapvath* 
.Propaganda. -,JiomSi 



^Extract front ifteA ( 
Ratnasivs /moie 0ce/OEBffl6$e r 
Venice, ?584* 



Here attention may be directed to the fact that our second map 
from the Propaganda has been referred to as the work of Verrazano. 



54 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

Of this, however, no proof is given, and the error may be explained 
easily, though it appears in a very sumptuous and valuable work some- 
what recently published at Rome, and entitled " Stud/ Bibliografici," 
etc. At page 358, under the year 1528, is the following: " 177 [No.]. 
Carta Nantica di Gerolamo Verrazzano." This is the map of which we 
speak, and from which our copy was taken by the writer. At the most, 
we could refer nothing more than the mechanical execution of this par- 
ticular map to Hieronimo. In the volume referred to, the true Verra- 
zano Map is catalogued in its proper place. 

Turning next to the Ptolemy of 1548, we find a map drawn by Gas- 
taldi, which is the counterpart of Ruscelli's. These two cartographers 
worked together. This map recognizes the Sea of Verrazano, and 
repudiates Ribero. Another map in the same volume recognizes Ver- 
razano without the open sea. It puts a cape in 40 N., taken from 
Ramusio's map of 1534, and incorporates northward a coast line from 
Verrazano, at the same time expunging the reference to the voyage 
of Gomez. In this map a triangular-shaped island (" Brisa ") lies oppo- 
site one of the deep indentures. It bears six of the Verrazano names, 
three of which are peculiar to the Florentine, namely, " Angoulesme," 
"p. Refugio," and " Monte de Trigo." It will be observed, however, 
that the parts of the coast line used are removed from the central por- 
tion of the coast where they were placed, and removed to Nova Scotia, 
for the purpose of keeping them in the latitude erroneously assigned. 
It is evident that the Italian geographers had obtained no new knowl- 
edge of that part of the coast, and were laboring under the mistake into 
which they were led by the false latitudes of Hieronimo. Therefore, 
the delineation of the entire coast of Long Island, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut and Massachusetts was carried northward to the region of 
Cape Breton. This mistake was perpetuated by others, who had no 
fresh surveys of the coast to show them where the delineations in 
question belonged. Thus error was accumulated upon error. 

To the names already given as occurring on the Verrazano Map, 
those of " Nurumbega " and " Brisa " may be added. The latter is 
intended for " Luisa." The map by Gastaldi, found in Ramusio's third 
volume of 1556, follows the Verrazano outline more closely, though, 
through a mistake of the Engraver, who blunders twice, " Brisa " be- 
comes " Briso," while the island loses its triangular form. In the same 
volume of Ramusio is a map that relates to Parmentier's voyage to the 
East Indies.. 1529, when he named three islands, respectively, "La 
Parmentiere," " La Marguerite " and " La Louise," in honor, first of 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 55 

himself, and afterwards of the sister and mother of Francis I. Two of 
the names appear in the map as " La lauyse " and " La formetie " (Vitel's 
"Histoire," 11,88). Thus the Regent had two islands named in her 
honor. Gastaldi's map of 1556 evidently was intended to illustrate the 
Letter of Verrazano. 

Two years later, Homem, at Venice, drew a map which again re- 
called the Verrazano Map, through Gastaldi, and by means of the names 
" Monte de Trigo " and " Golesme " for "Angolesme." The Island of 
Luisa and the " Port of Refuge " are delineated, but their names are 
omitted. Again, in 1561, Ruscelli reproduced, substantially, a copy of 
Gastaldi's map of 1548. In these maps there is no reference to the name 
of Verrazano, though his voyage is recognized by the nomenclature. 

We next come to Mercator's map of 1569, when the plan is found to 
be entirely different, this evidently being in accordance with those of 
his work which, according to Willes, did open a gulf between "the 
West Indies and the extreme northern line." Willes (Hakluyt, III, 25) 
mentions that the globes of the Italian Moletius, whom he associates 
with Mercator, possessed the same features. This map of 1569 shows 
all the new discoveries in the North, but leaves the Atlantic coast line in 
a poorer condition than in 1541. Mercator had now seen the map of 
Ruscelli and Gastaldi in the Ptolemies and in Ramusio's Collection of 
Voyages, and he allowed himself to be overruled by them. Accordingly 
he placed the indented coast and the Island of " Briso " where the 
mistakes of Gastaldi and Ramusio had located them, near Cape Breton, 
and omitted his former representations of the coast covering the line 
between New Jersey and New York. In the place of this he left a great 
bay occupying the space that should have been given to the outlines of 
Long Island and the New England coast. He was nevertheless true to 
the Verrazano idea, as expressed both in the Map and Letter. This is 
an important point, for he had now read the Letter and was reassured of 
the fact that there should be a triangular shaped island near latitude 
41 40' N, also that the region should be made approachable by water 
from the West. He accordingly laid the island down, with Norumbega 
at the West, in common with Allefonsce, calling this island " Claudia," 
instead of Luisa, giving the name of the wife and not the mother of 
Francis I. The origin of the names " Briso " and " Claudia " on the map 
of Mercator is therefore perfectly clear. In the future this map may be 
remembered for its double representation of the Island of Luisa and the 
Verrazano Voyage. 

Finally we proceed to England, and learn that a map was presented 



56 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

to Henry VIII. by Verrazano. A sketch by Lok, based upon this map, 
appears in Hakluyt's " Divers Voyages" of 1582. It is numbered VIII. 
in our list of sketches. 

In support of his theory of a northern passage, Hakluyt says in that 
work : " Master John Verazanus, which had been thrise on that coast, in 
an old and excellent mappe which he gave to King Henrie Eight, and 
is yet in the custodie of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as seene in the 
map annexed to the end of this boke, being made according to Verazanus 
plat." In a work lately published by the Maine Historical Society, 
Hakluyt also says that " there is a mightie large olde mappe in parch- 
ment, made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus, traced all alonge the 
coaste from Florida to Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which 
laieth oute the sea, makinge a little neck of lande in 40. degrees of 
latitude, much like the streyte necke or istmus of Dariena. This mappe 
is now in the custodie of Mr. Michael Locke." Again he says, " there 
is an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie gallery at Westminster, 
which also seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge, havinge the coaste 
described in Italian, which laieth oute the very selfe same streite necke 
of lande in the latitude of 40. degrees, with the sea joynninge harde on 
bothe sides, as it doth on Panama and Nombre di Dios ; which were a 
mattei of singular importannce, yf it shoulde be true, as it is not 
unlikely." 

The map of Lok, which Hakluyt says was based upon Verrazano's, 
shows evidence of the Verrazano Voyage by the inscription " Mare de 
Verrarsana, 1524," placed over an open sea west of the isthmus in latitude 
40 N. That this date was given by Lok, as several others were, is not 
proven, though probably true ; but to say that Verrazano could not 
have claimed or suggested the discovery of an open sea, because no sea 
existed, would be indefensible, for the reason that it might be affirmed 
with equal propriety that Frobisher could not have claimed the 
discovery of an open sea leading to Cathay, though he made this claim 
absolutely " with vehement words, speeches and oaths," and " by the 
discovery of a new world, was become a second Columbus" (Calendar 
of Colonial S. Papers, 1513-16, p. 58). Frobisher's Strait is laid down 
by Lok on the map showing the Verrazano Sea, and is found on 
Frobisher's own curious and rare map of 1578, covering from twelve to 
fifteen degrees of latitude. Both of these fancied seas grew out of real 
voyages. That of Verrazano was in accordance with his geographical 
ideas, and may have been suggested by the natives, who were continu- 
ally representing an open sea at the West. Popham in 1607 wrote to 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 57 

King James from Sagadahoc, Maine, not only that " nutmegs and cin- 
namon " were found, but that the colonists were within a short distance 
of the Pacific. His letter, given in the Maine Collections (Vol. V., s. 1., 
p. 360), contains the following : " So far as relate to commerce, there 
are in these parts shagbarks, nutmegs and cinnamon, besides pine wood, 
and Brasilian cochineal and ambergris, with many other products of 
great value, and these in the greatest abundance. Besides, they posi- 
tively assure me that there is a sea in the opposite or Western part of 
this Province, distant not more than seven days' journey from our Fort 
of St. George, in Sagadahoc, a sea large, wide and deep, the boundaries 
of which they are wholly ignorant of. This cannot be any other than 
the Southern Ocean, reaching to the region of China, which unquestion- 
ably cannot be far from these regions." 

This notion prevailed down to a comparatively late period. In 165 1 
Stephenson published " New Brittanie," containing a very curious 
map, in which the Hudson River is represented as running to the 
Pacific, while the region of Georgia is represented as no wider than the 
distance on the Atlantic coast from Cape Hatteras to Cape Charles. 

On the space appropriated to the Pacific is written "the Sea of 
China and the Indies," near which is a portrait of Sir Francis Drake. 
The legend upon the coast is as follows : 

" Sir Francis Drake was on this sea and landed An° 1577 in 37 deg. 
where her tooke Possession in the name of Q : Eliza : calling it new 
Albion. Whose happy shoers, ( in ten dayes march with 50 foote and 
30 horsemen from the head of lames River, ouer those hills and through 
the rich adjacent Valleys beautyfied with as profitable rivers, which 
necessarily must run into ye peacefull Indian Sea, may be discouered, to 
the exceeding benefit of Great Brittain, and joye of all true English." 
Such was the view of the English at this late period, who fancied that a 
tract of land not more than two hundred and fifty miles wide existed 
between the head of the James River and the sea. Verrazano undoubt- 
edly believed the notion, and even may have fancied that he saw the sea. 
To object to the authenticity of his voyage for this reason would be idle. 

In order to show the bearing of Lok's map upon the Voyage, it is 
necessary to consider the method of its construction. Using a copy of 
the Verrazano Map in some respects different, perhaps, from the Roman 
copy, yet substantially the same, and furnished as we know with the 
Italian names, Lok employed what best suited his purpose, which was 
the illustration of his theory of a western passage to Cathay, at the same 
time introducing fancied improvements. Following the incorrect rep- 



58 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

reservation of Cape Breton, he nevertheless amended all the latitudes, 
while the outline of the New England coast is noticeable for its resem- 
blance to Gastaldi's, evidently drawn from a copy of the Verrazano 
Map, possessing variations similar to those on the map of Henry VIII. 
The island of Gastaldi, called " Briso " through the fault of the engraver, 
is called " Claudia" by Lok ; but the relative position is the same in both 
maps, the island lying west of the Gulf of Refuge, which contains other 
islands, with two separate islands eastward, while further west is the 
region called, on the other maps, "Angouleme." Lok, like Gastaldi, 
makes Norumbega insular. Lok changes names, but delineates the 
corresponding tilings. He changes the shape and position assigned to 
the island of Luisa by Mercator, though he adopts the name of Claudia, 
instead of Luisa. He also rejects the error of Mercator in duplicating 
the island. Lok understood perfectly well that the two islands, called 
by Mercator Claudia and Briso, were the same. He indeed supposes 
that Claudia was the correct name for the mother of Francis, but 
Hakluyt knew that Lok was in error ; and, in the margin of the Verra- 
zano Letter, says, " Claudia was the wife of King Francis," thus correct- 
ing Lok, not Verrazano. Therefore, until it can be shown that not only 
the name of Luisa but the island itself was wanting in the map of Henry 
VIII, it will be useless to deny that that map, like the Propaganda copy, 
contained a clear recognition of the Voyage. 

If it should be said that Lok did take the island, as well as the name, 
from Mercator, it may also be said that he copied the Azores from 
Mercator, and therefore that the Azores were not in the map of Henry 
VIII. It is too late now, however, to pursue such a line of disputation, 
as the reality of the influence of the Verrazano Map throughout a long 
period is something that in the future may not be denied. 

It remains to make few observations concerning the nomenclature of 
the map, which, however, will demand continued study in the future. 
The names are about one hundred in number, and some of them are 
repeated, in accordance with the practice of old cartographers. On the 
Florida section the influence of the names on the map of 15 13 is notice- 
able. Several of the names are not easily explained, 4 though " Olimpo " 
is probably Cape Olimpe, in Cyprus. " La Victoria " is a name used 
upon the South America portion of the map. It is a reminiscence of 
Magellan. Proceeding up the coast, it will be perceived that various 
names are suggested by the Letter of the Navigator, and have a manifest 
fitness. Near the Gulf of St. Lawrence is " Baia Sancti di Ioanni." At 
this point the map of Allefonsce has a relation to that of Verrazano, 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 59 

showing "Isle de Sainct Johan." Some of the names of the Newfound- 
land section are not quite legible on the original map, and where doubt- 
ful readings occur, they have been indicated. The significance of the 
most of the names, however, is apparent at a glance ; " farilhan " being 
the "Farralones," or detached rocks, a name found in every part of the 
world in various forms, but with a single meaning. " Monte de Trigo," 
is the Spanish for wheat. In the voyage of Cartier (Hakluyt, III, 213) 
there is a reference to this mountain, described as a " hill like a heap of 
corn." Fuoco is Fire Island. 

About twenty of the names found on the central portions of the 
coast are French, more or less disguised in an Italian dress. But the 
author soon perceived the fact that they were taken from a route of 
travel across France from Dieppe to La Rochelle, a route with which 
Hieronimo was acquainted, as it is sufficiently evident that he passed 
some time in France, probably in attending to the interests of his 
brother. Beginning at Dieppe, the route passes Longueville and St. 
George, touches at Rouen, where Giovanni had provided for the recog- 
nition of Jerome, his " brother and heir," as his commissioner and " at- 
torney." Thence the road runs direct to San Germano, or St. Ger- 
main-en-laye, the favorite residence of Francis I., whose name was 
associated with the principal places mentioned. The Forest of St. Ger- 
maine, one of the largest in France, was perhaps in mind when Hiero- 
nimo wrote " La Foresta " upon his map, though at the same time he 
must have remembered the splendid forests described in the Letter. 
" Lamuetto " may have been suggested by the muette, or famous kennel 
built by Francis I. in the forest, though a village of the name still exists. 
" Belvidere " might perhaps recall the terrace of St. Germaine, which 
commands the celebrated view of Paris. " Casino," or the little house, 
if one were inclined to indulge the imagination, might have referred to 
one of the pavillions, 6 but Casino is also connected with San Germano 
in Italy. Selva de Cervi recalls the deer parks of Francis in the " Selva 
Ledia," as well as the deer parks of America. Around St. Germaine 
the two brothers may have lingered from time to time, awaiting the 
decisions of Francis respecting the expeditions that interested him so 
greatly. 

Next the route passes to Vendome, a place famous for its connec- 
tion with the family of Francis I. ; thence on by the way of St. Anne, 
St. Savin and Mont Morrillon, the latter signifying the black grape, 
which appears to have been translated into the Italian " Morrelo," or 
nightshade. Afterwards Nantiat is reached — in the map called Lanun- 



60 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

tiate, which may refer also to the festival of the Annunciation, whicn 
occurred while Giovanni was on the coast. Thence the road touches 
Angouleme, the birth place of Francis, who was called by Louis XII 
" Le gros garcon d'Angouleme." Next we find St. Savinien and Aux- 
pruneles, conducting to La Rochelle, the Navigator being described by 
Herrera as " Florin de la Rochelle." Names like San Siano and San 
Gorgio doubtless had Italian connections, yet it is curious to observe 
how these names, taken together, indicate the route between the two 
great seaports of France. The nomenclature, therefore, is similar to 
what might have been expected from an Italian some time resident in 
France, where, in the sunshine of royal favor, Hieronimo probably 
compiled his map, at the same time attending to the interests of his 
brother. The Navigator's " little book " doubtless afforded suggestions 
to Jerome. " Le figla di navarra" appears to refer to the King of 
Navarre, the husband of Margurite of Angouleme, sister of Francis I. 
It might also be considered a recognition of Margurite herself, as she 
was acquainted with American exploration, and based one of her stories 
upon incidents in the voyage of Roberval." 

This same route of travel is indicated upon the globe of Vlpius, 
1542, which was copied from the Verrazano Map. In this series we 
have the additional names of Normanvilla, near Dieppe, and Port 
Royal, the home of the Jansenists favored by Margurite ; while on 
Ramusio's map of 1556 is found " Paradis," the name of Margurite's 
Hebrew teacher. 

Ramusio m 1553 said that Oviedo (who rejected Ribero) and some 
" excellent Frenchmen " had sent maps to Italy, and that they would 
be put in their proper place with some reports of New France, amongst 
which no doubt was the Verrazano Letter. The reports were not 
printed until three years after, and possibly other maps were in the 
meanwhile acquired. But whether so or not, a sketch of the Verrazano 
Map was used in the map of 1556. Jerome doubtless left sketches with 
the French navigators. In this connection it must, however, be 
observed that the use of the Verrazano Map by Ramusio was antici- 
pated no less than fourteen years by the Florentine globe maker. It is, 
therefore, probable that the drawings, which appeared to have been 
received by Ramusio about the year 1553, were those which related to 
Cartier. The sketch published by him in 1556 makes no mention of 
Cartier, while the fact that Canada is left blank shows that it was drawn 
at an early period, before that region was known. We, therefore, may 
claim Ramusio's map, in one sense, as a Verrazano Map. 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 6 1 

Some of the sketches by the " excellent Frenchmen " were used in 
France, simultaneously with their appearance in Italy, in 1542. The 
great map of Henry II. (see Jomard's Atlas) bears eight of the Verra- 
zano names in a modified form, as follows : C. du Mont, R. des canoes, 
R. de bone Viste, Les Germaines, Auorobaga, C. de longue, R. her- 
mofo, Mot de trigo. To these might be added ; R. des Palmes and R. 
de bone mere. The maker of this map appears to have known of the 
" Syrtis " of Verrazano. 

Dr. Kohl, not being acquainted with the Verrazano Map, did not 
understand the origin of Ramusio's, while for the same reason others 
have made the most of what was supposed to be a fact, namely, that 
the French map of 1 542, drawn in the time of Francis I., contained no 
reminiscence of the Voyage of Verrazano. The identification of these 
names, however, should moderate the objector's zeal. 

Botero (Ralationi Universali, ed. 1640, p. 173) says that the French 
gave the names " porto del refugio, Porto reale, il Paradiso, Flora, An- 
goleme." It would thus appear that he had seen a Verrazano Map, or 
the globe of Vlpius, and perhaps both. The authority for his statement 
is not given, but whether he had any authority or not, it is sufficiently 
true, since the names resulted from a French voyage. 

With this brief description and defense of the Map of Verrazano, 
we rest the present discussion. In treating of the names we have con- 
fined ourselves to those found upon the North American portions. In 
due time it is to be hoped that the entire map may be produced in fac 
simile, since it merits at least that much attention on the part of geogra- 
phers. No subsequent examination of the Map, however, will be likely 
to render the American names much clearer. Acids applied to the 
parchment might perhaps make the orthography of several words a 
little more distinct, but those about which there can be any real doubt 
are beyond question quite unimportant. Our own readings have been 
confirmed by the independent judgment of two very competent eccle- 
siastics and scholars, resident at Rome, to whom the writer is indebted 
for his introduction to the priceless maps of the Borghian Museum of 
the Propaganda. The reader may not therefore look forward to any 
substantial improvement in the rendering of the coast names upon the 
Verrazano sketch accompanying this discussion. The modern student 
now for the first time sees before his eyes, " traced all alonge the coaste 
from Florida to Cape Britton," the "many Italian names " that met the 
wondering gaze of Henry VIII., of Michael Lok and Richard Hakluyt, 
as they bent over the " mightie large olde mappe " which, as the latter 



62 THE VERRAZANO MAP 

informs us, was made by Verrazano. Whether the copy preserved 
at Rome is the original map or not, it may now be difficult to deter- 
mine. If not original, is beyond doubt a fair copy of a very early date. 
That a copy was presented to Henry VIII. can no longer be questioned. 
There is found on the map the kind of ships, with both sails and oars, 
that were built in the Breton ports at the time (July 12, 1522), when 
Andrew, Bishop of Murray, Scotland, according to Gaillard {Histoire 
Franqois Premier, VII, 223-4), exhorted Francis I. to make himself master 
of the sea ; but what is more to the point, a variety of facts and argu- 
ments concur in proving that Hakluyt's testimony is true, and that we 
have before us a copy of a very ancient document, marked by all the 
peculiarities of authenticity. The historic world may, therefore, possi- 
bly incline to believe that it has not waited until now in vain for the 
Propaganda to yield up its testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano. 

In closing we desire to call attention to a few points which have been 
substantiated in discussing the Letter, the Voyage and the Map. With 
respect to the Letter, it has been made to appear that it certainly existed 
in two version — Ramusio's and Carli's — and probably in French and 
Spanish ; strong reasons even lead to the conclusion that the original 
version was written in French. Again, by a comparison of texts, 
the charges against Ramusio have been dissipated. With respect to the 
date of the Letter, the discussion yields fresh proof, and establishes the 
fact that it was written at the period claimed. Now, also, that the 
contents of the Map are known, we are able to prove that the Map 
was based upon the Letter ; and since a copy of the Map itself was 
presented to Henry VIII. by Giovanni da Verrazano, the Letter must 
have existed prior to 1527-8 ; thus disposing of the theory that it was the 
work of a forger near 1540-5. In dealing with the Voyage, it has been 
shown that it could not have been deduced from the map of Ribero, 
1527, as physical impossibilities interfered ; the same also being apparent 
from the fact just stated, that the Letter preceded the Map presented to 
Henry VIII., 1527-8, and, therefore, that both Letter and Map described 
the Voyage before the work of Ribero existed. The internal evidence 
of the Letter to the authenticity of the Voyage has also been developed, 
showing the inaccuracy of the charge that the descriptions of the country 
and people found in the Letter do not agree with what actually existed ; 
since it has been shown that the accounts are at variance w r ith those of 
untravelled European writers of those times, and convey facts that could 
have been gleaned only by an actual voyager, like Verrazano, in sailing 
along the coast, the descriptions often being so striking as to be copied 



THE VERRAZANO MAP 63 

by subsequent adventurers, and being full, also, with respect to those 
parts of the coast of which nothing was known. 

The genesis of the Map has likewise been pointed out for the first 
time, and the chart of Hieronimo da Verrazano takes its proper place in 
the old Cartology within about three years of the date of the Voyage ; 
while its influence upon later maps has been rendered apparent in a way 
that was impossible before the Verrazano coast names were made known. 
Thus, at every point, there is exhibited the action of a strong and 
intelligent mind in free communication with the new world, and we 
therefore claim that Verrazano is Vindicated. 



1 This is now published for the first time, the copy having been made for the writer by author- 
ization of the Prefect of Rouen. 

2 Geographie du Moyen Age, vol. ii, p. 145, and the Chart, numbered 118, in the Atlas. Also, 
see " Examen Critique," vol. iv, pp. 116-18. 

3 It is given in a modified form, and the north-east portion, called " Terra de Lavoratore," is 
formed according to the Map of Cosa, or from some map that agreed with Cosa's. But why did 
Bordone adopt Zeno's Greenland as America ? To explain this fully would require more space 
than can be given to the subject at present, and it must suffice to say that in 1521 the knowledge 
of Old Greenland had been lost (Northmen in Maine, p. 38) and Zeno's account of that country 
was partially discredited, the view given by Ptolemy being adopted by Bordone, as later, and con- 
sequently the more reliable. Both the pre and post-Columbian editions of Ptolemy made Green- 
land a part of Europe, pushing out into the sea from Norway. Bordone followed this conception, 
thinking that Zeno was wrong in placing the name of Greenland upon the countries at the west. 
That he actually saw the Zeno map in 1521 or earlier is not only evident from the outlines of his 
own map, filled in with mountains after the style of Zeno, but also from his drawing of Iceland, 
or "Islanda." The style of the letters forming the word "Islanda" are exactly like those of 
Zeno, and the curious and convincing fact is that Bordone uses the same style of letter in no other 
map. Whoever examines this subject will find the most decided proof that Bordone was famil- 
iar with the Zeno Chart in 1521, which overturns the theory that that map was a forgery of the 
period of 1558. Bordone's, which shows a strait opening through the Western Continent, 
near the latitude of the Azores, marked " Stretto pte del modo novo ; " "the strait, part of the 
New World." The region south of this strait bore the title of the New World, which had been 
laid open by the Spaniards, it being thus conceded by him that Zeno made the discovery of land 
at the West. The testimony of Bordone is all the more valuable, for the reason that it is indirect. 
This geographer makes no allusion to Zeno, and evidently had not seen his narrative, though 
familiar with the map. 

4 The Italian photographer of the Verrazano Map gave one of these names, written upon the 
photograph, as "p. dara Flor," which might be interpreted "punta de la Florida ; " but our own 
reading is "p. daraptor, " probably a mangling of " C. delitontir on the map of 1513, which, in 
turn, was a false reading of * ' C. elecanti, " or ' ' Aliconto. " ' ' Lamuette " once appears as ' ' bomu- 
etto," an error easily recognized. 

5 Geographers must keep clear of Fluellen at Agincourt (Henry V., A. iv, s. 5 s . "I warrant 
you shall find in the comparisons between Macedon and Monmouth that the situations, look you, 
is both alike. There is a river at Macedon, and there is also moreover a river at Monmouth ; it is 
called Wye at Monmouth, but it is out of my prains what is the name of the other river, but 'tis 
all one ; 'tis alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both." 

6 " Heptameron," Story, lxvii, relates the alleged experience of a wife left with her husband 
by Roberval on a desert island. It was vulgarized and adopted by The vet. " Cosmographie 
Universelle," ii, p. 1019. See also Harrise's " Notes," etc. 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with the Italian people, were 
regarded in many respects as palmy days. At that flourishing- period 
many of the sons of Italy proved themselves worthy of their noble 
origin ; and as the ancient Romans built highways of marvelous magni- 
tude upon the land, the modern Italians opened the distant paths of the 
sea. Columbus was inspired by the spirit of Cassar, though while the 
one conquered with the astrolabe and compass, the other prevailed with 
the sword. America does not recognize the debt which she owes to the 
pent up cities of the Italian peninsula, whose inhabitants, inspired by an 
irrepressible ardor, went forth to transform what was a " Sea of Dark- 
ness "into a Sea of Light. The desire to abolish Ultima TJmle, and 
make good the prophecy of Seneca, animated all classes of society. 
Even the monk in his cloister labored to furnish the sailor with the 
best aids that nautical and geographical science could supply. Andrea 
Bianco gave his charts with reminiscences of long-forgotten voyages, 
and Toscanelli added to other gifts conferred by him upon Columbus 
reasons for believing that the east could be reached by sailing west. At 
an early period the Genoese sent out expeditions upon the Atlantic 
(Gravier's "Navigations Europgennes" etc., p. 5), but for the most part 
the Italian navigators engaged in the service of nations more favorably 
situated for the conduct of maritime enterprise. Amongst others, 
Marco Polo, Ordericus and Vertomanus distinguished themselves in 
the east, while in the year 1380 the Zeno Brothers were wrecked in 
the northern sea, Antonio Zeno himself, as the best authorities now 
admit, reaching Greenland and the coast of North America. It 
remained, however, for Columbus to impart a practical value to the 
labors of his predecessors, though Amerigo Vespucci was immor- 
talized by the Monks of St. Di6, who gave his name to our continent, 
saying, that since the old continents were named after women, the new 
one should be called after a man. 

While Columbus was active, John Cabot, the Venitian, and his son 
Sebastian, were pursuing the same absorbing objects, the elder Cabot, 
indeed, having seen the mainland of America before Columbus. Other 
Italians performed their part, Pigafetti sailing around the world in the 



The Globe of Vlpius-I 542 







The Gj obe of Vlpius-1 542 




/or (A* it»9**i-» */ .*«rt(« <rUtor» 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 65 

expedition oi Magellan, of which he was the historiographer. Amongst 
those less known was the learned priest and mathematician, Albert De 
Prato, the friend and correspondent of Cardinal Wolsey. Verrazano 
shed permanent lustre upon his nation by his exploration of the north 
Atlantic coast. The first tourist to visit and describe this country was 
Benzoni, also an Italian ; and the Venitian, Ramusio, taught our own 
great Hakluyt how to record and treasure up the achievements of 
explorers and navigators for the benefit of mankind. Purchas gives his 
quaint testimony on this point, exclaiming : " Happy Italy, that first, in 
the last Age of the World hath discouered the great Discouerers of the 
World." Yet what benefit has Italy derived from all these toils ? The 
largest tribute received from America is found in the aspersion of her 
citizens, and, notably, those of her fairest and most enlightened Capital. 
Well may Purchas turn to present the obverse of the picture, and say : 
" Unhappie Italy, that still hath beaten the bush for others to catch the 
Bird, and hast inherited nothing in these Easterne and Westerne 
Worlds." (V. 807.) 

The present paper, however, is devoted, not to the Italian sailors, 
but to a work by one who sought to register the achievements of his 
compatriots in an enduring form. The Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius, 
constructed in 1542, is now preserved in the museum of the New York 
Historical Society, having been found in Madrid by the late Bucking- 
ham Smith. This important and deeply interesting instrument was 
discovered in the collections of a Spanish dealer in 1859, an d brought to 
New York the same year, after the death of its owner, being purchased 
for the society by the late John David Wolfe. 

This globe is fifteen and one half inches in diameter, and is supported 
upon a worm-eaten stand of oak, the iron cross tipping the north pole, 
making the height of the instrument three feet and eight inches. The 
northern and southern hemispheres were constructed separately. They 
shut together like a spherical box, being held firmly by iron pins. 
Everything is done in accordance with the best science of the age, and 
proves that the globe was intended for careful use. The latitudes are 
found by the nicely graduated copper equator, upon which the names 
of the zodiacal signs are engraved ; while the equatorial line of the globe 
itself has the longitude divided into sections covering five degrees each. 
Four distinct meridional lines divide the globe into quarters, while four 
more lines are faintly indicated. The latitudes are found by the aid of a 
brass meridian, the Tropic of Cancer being called JEstiws, and Capri- 
corn, Hyemalis. The Arctic and Antarctic circles are also faintly 



66 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 



indicated. A brass hour-circle enables the student to ascertain the 
difference of time between any two given points, while the graduated 
path of the Ecliptic is a prominent and indispensable aid. The author 
of the globe evidently intended to secure simplicity of arrangement 
throughout. The date of the globe is fixed by the following inscription: 




The literal translation runs as follows: "Regions of the Terrestrial 
globe handed down by ancients, or discovered in our memory or that 
of our fathers. Delineated by Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542." 

Of Vlpius nothing is positively known. The name has no promi- 
nence amongst the map and globe makers of Italy. The resemblance of 
the globe to that planned by Mercator, 1 541, taken with the fact that 
Mercator and the Italian, Moletius, were in a sense associated, might 
possibly lead us to inquire whether or not Moletius had any influence 
in connection with the production of the work of Vlpius. Hakluyt's 
reference to " an olde excellent globe in the Queen's privie gallery at 
Westminster," which " seemeth to be of Verarsanus makinge " (Maine 
Coll. s. 2. v. II. p. 114), is also of interest, for, like the globe of Vlpius, 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 



6 7 



it had "the Coaste described in Italian," and a "necke of lande in the 
latitude of 40." Possibly the Globe of Vlpius is the globe which is here 
described. Nevertheless, the globe is of Italian workmanship, and 
apparently made in Rome. It is dedicated to Cervinus : 




This may be rendered : " Marcellus Cervino, Cardinal-Presbyter and 
Doctor of Divinity of the Holy Roman Church. Rome." The wheat 
or barley heads appear to have formed a device in the family arms, as 
they are given with his portrait, while the Deer form a proper allusion 
to his name. 

The present representation of one hemisphere of the globe, without 
being a fac simile, is nevertheless sufficiently correct for historical 
purposes, and may be relied upon. The Old and New Worlds are 
represented as they were known at the time, the latitude of Florida, 
which was too high on the Verrazano Map, being given quite correctly, 
while the excessive easterly trend of the North American coast line on 
that map is corrected. 

This work is of great historical interest, for the reason that it bears 
direct and independent testimony to the Voyage of Verrazano in 1524, 
certified first by the Letter of Verrazano to Francis I., confirmed by 
Carli, and attested by the Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano; this 
witness being followed by the author of the Discourse of the Dieppe 



68 THE GLOBE OF VjLPIUS 

Captain, in 1539. Vlpius, in 1542, stands as the fifth witness to the 
voyage by the following inscription : " Verrazana sive Nova Gallia a 
Verrazano Florentino comperto anno Sal. M. D.; which may be rendered : 
•' Verrazana or New Gaul, discovered by Verrazano, the Florentine, in 
the year of Salvation, M. D." That this inscription was suggested by 
the Verrazano Map no one has ever questioned. The principal adverse 
critic of Verrazano frankly concedes that the Globe of Vlpius 
"affords indubitable evidence that the maker had consulted the map." 
(Murphy's " Verrazzano," p. 114.) Nevertheless attention has been 
called to the fact that, in an appendix to his work, the same critic refers 
to what is called an "authority," which says that the Map of Verrazano 
was originated sometime after 1550. If this were so, it would appear 
that the Verrazano Map was based upon the Globe of Vlpius in connec- 
tion with certain maps, and that, instead of having influenced the 
production of other maps, it is itself a composition made up of early 
material. We are, therefore, obliged here to glance at a question which 
really answers itself. 

The declaration is : " We are assured from Rome, on high authority, 
that this map appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550, and is 
regarded by its custodians as only a copy at the best." (Murphy's 
" Verrazzano," Appendix.) Here are two statements ; First, that the map 
appears to belong to a period subsequent to 1550 — otherwise, that it 
originated then ; Second, that, at the best, it is only a copy. With 
regard to the first proposition it may be said, that an examination of the 
map reveals the fact that it shows no exploration of a period later than 
1529, while it affords a fair picture of discovery down to that year. 
If, therefore, this map was planned subsequent to 1550, the author must 
have intended to produce what would have the appearance of an early 
map, or otherwise, a fraud. But again, if this map was simply the 
fraudulent invention of an Italian during the last half of the sixteenth 
century, it is necessary to inquire how it happens that the draughtsman 
produced a map patterned after the map described by Hakluyt, as 
respects size and composition, for both answer to the description of 
" mightie large " map, and both have the Isthmus, together with the 
Italian names on the coast of North America. 

That the two maps were of the same character, appears from other 
considerations ; for, in whatsoever Hakluyt may have erred, he could 
not have referred any parchment to Verrazano that did not show 
decided signs of age. Hakluyt had a full acquaintance with the 
period of Verrazano, and had learned from Ramusio the approximate 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 69 

time of his death, which, at the furthest, could not have taken place 
much later than 1530. He knew the precise character of the maps of 
1529, and when he affirmed that the map was " olde," he believed that the 
character of the work justified the statement that it was presented by 
the Florentine Navigator to Henry VIII. He does not say that the 
globe was presented to that king, and therefore we can claim for the 
map alone that it existed some time near the year 1529. Such, then, 
being the facts, it is simply without reason to say that the Propaganda 
Map was designed subsequent to 1550, in the interest of a historical 
fraud. At that period the designs had been in existence a long time, 
and could not have been produced as part of a fraud. Whoever 
declares that this map belongs to the late period named must find his 
claim to be an authority absolutely denied. 

Still, perhaps, it may be asked why the Propaganda Map could not 
have been framed subsequent to 1550, taking the Globe of Vlpius, 1542, 
as a model, and with an honest intention. This could not have been 
the case, for the reason that the more recent explorations shown 
by Vlpius are ignored. Any honest map-maker, projecting a new map, 
would give discoveries down to his time. If, therefore, the Propaganda 
Map was based upon the globe, the map as already declared, must be a 
fraud, and we are again confronted with the question, How did a fraud- 
ulent draughtsman frame a map like that in England, with its isthmus 
and western sea, which Lok in evident recognition of a legend corre- 
sponding with the legend of the Propaganda Map, called "Mare de 
Verrazano " ? Again, it would also be necessary to inquire where 
Vlpius obtained his plan. To argue the subject farther is needless, 
since it is so evident the two maps and two globes are indissolubly 
connected, the two existing mementoes of the Verrazano Voyage 
having their counterparts in the map and globe described by Hakluyt 
in England. The introduction of the " authority " from Rome is, 
therefore, unfortunate for the objector, since it sugests a line of defence 
for the Propaganda Map that otherwise might not have been presented. 
A paleographic commission may pronounce upon the date of the map, 
basing its opinion upon the character of the chirography ; but whatever 
may be its conclusion, no material point in the Verrazano controversy 
will probably be affected, since, whether a copy or an original, its value 
remains, and cannot be lessened without the discovery of some evidence 
to prove that the copy was not well done. Under the circumstances, 
however, any commission that undertakes to declare that the map was 
fraudulently projected at a period subsequent to 1550 for acceptance as 



70 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

a document of 1529 would stultify itself. The Map of Verrazano ante- 
dated the Globe of Vlpius, and the influence of the former upon 
cartology may not be questioned. 

It will be observed that Vlpius does not give the exact date of the 
discovery by Verrazano, and the fact has led to the suggestion that 
Marcellus was not able to determine the year. That he tried to learn 
the exact date there is no proof. The explanation of the omission is 
sufficiently simple, for the Verrazano Map is undated. 

It will doubtless prove of interest to note upon this map the line 
running from pole to pole and cutting through the border of South 
America. This is the line drawn by Pope Alexander VI., by which, 
in 1493, he gave away the New World to Spain. That nation, according 
to his decree, was entitled to lands discovered by them west of the 
line, while the Portuguese were to confine their new possessions to the 
region east of the line, inscribed, " Terminus Hispanis et Lusitatiis ab 
Alexando VI. P. M. assignatus" or, " The Boundary of Spain and Portugal 
assigned by Alexander VI., Supreme Pontiff." 

This was done at a time when the Papal power was no shadow, yet 
the Holy See was often set at naught, and many were the bitter 
contests that sprang up between the rival powers. From Bernal Diaz 
we learn that Francis I., communicating with the Emperor of Spain, 
and speaking of the division made between Spain and Portugal, said 
" he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he 
might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole 
heirs of these countries." The " will " does not appear to have been 
produced, and certainly was never probated. Francis, therefore, took 
the liberty of sending Verrazano and Cartier to North America. 

On the North American section of the globe various new points are 
indicated, and the advance of the Spaniards in New Mexico is notice- 
able. This part of the continent is called " Verrazana, sive Nova 
Gallia," while on the Verrazano Map is found, " Ivcatania." Purchas 
says (V. 807), that South America was called " Peruviana," and North 
America, " Mexicana ; " which explains the action of Hieronimo da 
Verrazano, who employs the name of Yucatan in accordance with the 
same principle. 

At the northwest, near Alaska, is " Tagv Provincia," the " Tangut " 
of Marco Polo (C. 58), the coast being joined to Asia. The peninsula of 
Lower California does not appear, though exploration had been 
extended to that region, as proved by Domingo del Castello, on his map 
of 1541. (Lorenzana " Historia dc Nueva Espaiia" 1770, p. 328.) 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 71 

Amongst the evidences of the Spanish advance is the name of " Civola " 
in New Mexico. This is a reference to the " Seven Cities of Cibola," 
which were credited with such vast wealth, it being declared that the 
houses were supported by massive pillars of crystal and gold. Modern 
explorers find it difficult to fix upon the sites of the ancient cities. 
(Ternaux Compans; with De Nagerus narrative, 1838; and Hakluyt III., 
362.) The wealth of Cibola eventually became the subject of sport, as 
was the case respecting the whole continent, at first supposed to be a 
part of the East Indies, and remarkably auriferous. Hence Shakespere, 
in the Comedy of Errors, where he grossly describes the kitchen-wench, 
who was " spherical like a globe," so that one could " find out countries 
in her," makes Antipolus ask : " Where America, the Indies? " Dromio 
of Syracuse replies : " O, Sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellished with 
rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot 
breath of Spain, who sent whole Armadas of Carracks to be ballast at 
her nose." (A. III. s. 2.) 

Nova Galitia, a region conquered by Gusman (Alcedo's " Diccion- 
ario Geogrdfico" 'II. 177), is seen to the southward; and, in its proper 
place, in the middle of a lake, the city of Mexico may be recognized. 
South America is styled " Novvs Mvndus," and presents a very 
lively picture. From the Straits of Magellan to Chinca, just north of 
the Tropic of Capricorn, the coast is marked " Terra Incognita." Peru 
is called New Castile, and is said to be auriferous and fertile. " Gvito," 
or Quito, happens to be placed nearly in the centre of the continent, and 
close by we read, " Domus olim ex solido auri," or, The House formerlv 
of solid gold. This may be a reference to El Dorado. 

A large portion of the country is abandoned to " Anthropophagi " 
and " Canibales." Near Patagonia is the " Terra de giganti." The 
giants themselves are wanting, like Ralegh's men with heads in their 
breasts, notwithstanding we are told by Pigafetti and other voyagers 
that there was a plenty of giants in those days ; yet, further north, the 
chamelon roost upon a broad-leaved plant, and still higher up, one of 
the tall ostriches, recently described by Darwin, is trying to exhibit him- 
self, using as a pedestal the house formerly of solid gold. 

In Brazil the aborigines appear in the scant wardrobe which they 
were accustomed to affect, and display, on the whole, what may be 
regarded as an animated disposition. A couple of Brazilians, broad ax 
in hand, are on the point of taking off a fellow being's head, while a 
third, with a knife, is artistically dressing a leg. Near by, two other 
amiable representatives of the tribe are engaged in turning a huge spit, 



72 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

upon which, comfortably trussed up, is another superfluous neighbor, 
whom the blazing fire is transmuting into an acceptable roast. The 
parrot, evidently an edified spectator, gazes placidly down from its 
perch in the tree. Such was life in Novvs Mvndvs in 1542. The 
Amazon and the La Platta Rivers appear, but Vlpius does not show 
an)- clear knowledge of the Orinoco seen by Pinzon. 

No true indication of the terminus of the continent is given, but 
south of the Straits of Magellan is seen a vast continent spreading 
around the pole. This imaginary continent was referred to in classic 
times as " Austrinis Pars." (Manilus "Astronomica," B. I. 1. 234.) Its 
existence was considered probable, for the reason that it seemed to be 
required in order to maintain the balance of land and water. " Regio 
Patalis" a part of this continent, lies southwesterly from the Straits of 
Magellan, the name perhaps having been transferrred from the coast of 
Africa. 

In the more easterly portion of this continent is written, " Terra 
Australis adhuc incomperta," being an unexplored region, while in 
passing around the border of this continent we come to " Brasieeli," 
a corruption of " Brazil," a name applied to an island in the Atlantic 
before the discovery of America. On the Globe of Schoner, 1520, it is 
called " Brazilia Inferior." 

On a peninsula, a part of which appears in our representation of the 
globe, may be found the following inscription : " Lusitani vltra promo- 
torium bone spei i Calicutium tendentes hanc terra viderut, veru non 
accesserut, quaobrem neq nos certi quidq afferre potuimus ;" " The 
Portuguese, sailing beyond the Cape of Good Hope to Calcutta, saw 
this land but did not reach it, wherefore, neither have we been able to 
assert anything with certainty." 

The Old World is depicted substantially as it appeared in the 
Ptolemies. With respect to the East Indies, a clear improvement is 
made upon the Verrazano Map. Vlpius, in common with Verrazano, 
exhibits the great lakes of Central Africa, recently rediscovered. 

Near the bank of the Nile a robed ecclesiastic sits upon a canopied 
throne with a triple crown upon his brow and a triple cross in his hand. 
The figure is explained by the legend, " Hie diiat psbit Johanes" or 
" Here rules Presbyter John," usually called " Prester." Of human 
subjects he appears to have none, and his lordly supremacy seems to 
concern the sagacious elephant, the winged dragon, the scaly crocodile, 
the fierce rhinoceros, the unruly hippopotamus, and certain long-necked 
birds, one of which is engaged in some performance not described by 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 73 

Herodotus. Prester John has been regarded as a king in Thibet, but 
the Portuguese claim that he was a convert to the Nestorian faith in 
Abyssinia. (Purchas, V. 734.) 

In Asia may be seen a multitude of cities and provinces. Canton is 
figured as a collection of houses, near which is a bird, in company with 
a couple of goats with ears that reach to the ground. A tiger, a leopard 
and a giraffe exhaust the animal kingdom. 

Upon the ocean all is life, animation and enterprise. Tall ships, 
laden with the wealth of " Ormus and of Ind," move bravely homeward 
with bellying sails, while light galleys glide gaily hither and thither 
around the borders of the newly found lands. The fish form a noticeable 
feature, and Leviathan displays his huge sides, even that 

" Leviathan, which God of all His works 
Created hugest, that swim the ocean stream." 

The Conger eel, without much regard to the proprieties, stretches 
complacently over several degrees of latitude, herein following the 
example of the gold fish (Auratd), which puffs itself up to half the size of 
the whale. The Kraken of Pontoppidan, or at least what resembles the 
sea-serpent of Nahant, appears in the Atlantic off South Africa, cor- 
rugating his hirsute back. Vlpius, like Mr. Waterhouse Hawkins, may 
have taken a scientific view of the subject; yet whatever may have been 
his opinion, he could not have expressed a poorer view than that of the 
writer in "Nature" (Sept. 5th, 1878), who resolves the sea-serpent into a 
flock of birds. The Whale {Balend) is not so well executed as the rest, 
and is attended by the Dolphin (Orca), also called Marsuin by the 
French. (Ramusio III, 419.) 

The fish represented upon the globe are so well done that they might 
claim a full and separate treatment, evidently belonging to the earliest 
scientific delineations in Ichthyology. The first book on Fish perhaps 
was that of Paul Jovius (Rome, 1524), but it contains no illustrations. It 
is possible that no illustrated work appeared prior to 1542. Jovius sent 
out his work from the Vatican, with which he was connected. Ichthyo- 
logical studies appear to have been pursued with diligence at Rome, 
where Salvinus published his book in 1554. The fish upon the globe 
bear a close resemblance to those of Rondelatius (Lugduni, 1554). On 
globes and maps prior to 1542 may be found a variety of uncouth 
marine monsters, but correct representations of fish are scarce. 

Besides the historic groups of islands, there are many of lesser note, 
together with a few not found to-day. East of Cape St. Roque is " De 
Ferna Loronha," or Fernando de Noronha, discovered in 1506 by the 



74 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

Portuguese navigator of that name. This lonely, harborless isle, with 
its remarkable peak (Scribner's Monthly, Feb., 1876), appears ready to be 
what it is now, the Sing Sing of Brazil ; while St. Helena, discovered 
on the festival of that saint, 1501, is waiting to imprison one of the 
world's great disturbers. There is also " Insvle Tristan Dacvnha," found 
by the Portuguese, Dacuna, in 1506 ; and " Insvle Formose," while in the 
southern part of the Indian Ocean is " Insvle Grifonvm," or the Isle of 
Griffins. 

Bermuda is prominent, having been laid down for the first time on 
Martyr's Map of 1511, and southward is " Catolica," possibly an alternate 
name for the " Island of the Seven Cities," which were reported in various 
places, the inhabitants being " good Catholics." Near this spot, on 
Ruysch's Map, 1 508, is the word " Cata." An island which appears to be a 
duplicate of Cape Breton lies eastward of that region, and is called 
" Dobreta." It probably represents Sable Island. Northward is " S. 
Crvcis," not found to-day. Here we might pause to remark upon the ease 
with which islands that have no existence are found in the sea, and the 
corresponding difficulty of getting rid of them. Upon some of our best 
maps may be found such islands as " Jaquet Island," " Three Chimnies," 
" Mayda," " Amplimont," and " Green Rock." " Amplimont " is given in 
Bescherelle's Geographical Dictionary. On Colton's Atlas these islands 
lie in the track of navigation between France and Newfoundland. It is 
said that they originated with icebergs in the fog-banks, or possibly in 
the fog-banks themselves. It should be noticed, however, that this part of 
the ocean is volcanic, and that islands of considerable magnitude have 
risen from the sea at different times. The earliest eruption on record in 
the north Atlantic is that mentioned on the Map of Ruysch in the 
Ptolemy of 1508. Between Iceland and Greenland is the legend "Inside 
hac 1456 anno Dno fvit totaliter combusta ;" or, " This island was entirely 
burned up, A. D. 1456." In Webster's work on St. Michael's Island may 
be found an acount of the volcanic islands. Thomas Hickling, United 
States Consul, describes the formation of one named " Sabrina." 

It would not, however, be proper to treat all these islands of Vlpius 
now missing in accordance with the volcanic theory. Amongst them is 
" Ins. viride," which may be regarded as a reminiscence of pre-Colum- 
bian voyages by the Portuguese and others to the fishing banks near 
Newfoundland, the largest being known as the " Grand Bank," while 
the lesser bear various names, amongst which is the " Green Bank." 
The latter shoal, known to be very rocky, was evidently taken by 
some map-maker for solid land, and laid down as an island. This 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 75 

mistake is often made in our times. To a similar origin may be assigned 
"Jaquet Island," which came from the Jaquet Bank, a shoal near the 
edge of Grand Bank. "Mayda" is simply the "Maidas" of the 
early maps, while the " Three Chimnies," if not explained by some 
eruption, may have originated in such peculiarities of the bottom as that 
known as the " Whale Hole " on the bank of Newfoundland. 

It would be a more difficult task, perhaps, to explain the origin 
of " S. Branda," or Brandon, which appears on the Globe of Vlpius. 
It is true, as already indicated, that sailors often shape islands out of 
the fog. An instance is found in the Isle de Fer, a reflection of which, 
often noticed by sailors, and called the land of Butter {Terre de beurre), 
was gravely ceded by the Spanish Government to Louis Perdignon. A 
similar explanation has often been given to St. Brandon by writers who 
are inclined to make their labors light. When an eclipse of the moon is 
observed by certain savages, they begin to beat drums to drive the 
evil spirits away. Many enlightened persons, however, infer that 
shadows are formed by the intervention of something approaching the 
nature of a solid. It is not forcing philosophy to demand a more 
reasonable explanation than any hitherto offered of such islands as 
St. Brandon. The Fata Morgana is perhaps quite as unsatisfactory as 
the theory of Satanic delusion, sometimes resorted to for the purpose of 
explaining the mystery. St. Brandon's Island, without any great 
stretch of the imagination, might be referred to a burning insular 
peak, so far as the etymolgy may be concerned ; while, again, as the 
Irish monks were abroad upon the sea at an early period, some of them 
may have landed upon an island that afterward disappeared. In the 
case of the monks, it would have received due embellishment, since they 
were as fond of the marvellous as certain classes are to-day. 

Turning to the Greenland section of the globe, a gratifying improve- 
ment upon Verrazano's outline is found, showing that Vlpius had con- 
sulted the maps of Ruysch, 1508, and Orontius Fines, 1531, though it 
will be well to remember in this connection that Behaim's Globe of 1492 
shows land in the same direction. The Greenland section of Vlpius 
also indicates that the knowledge in possession of the Zeno Family at 
Venice found some expression in Italy before the publication of the 
Zeno Voyage and Map in 1558. Vlpius gives a clear denial to the 
Ptolemies respecting the situation of Greenland. The editor of the 
Ptolemy of 1482 knew of the Chronicle of Ivar Bardsen, and some of 
the names mentioned by him appear upon the editor's map ; yet at the 
same time he assigns a false position to Greenland, which is made an 



j6 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

extension of Norway, while Iceland is laid down in the sea west of what 
is given as Greenland. Vlpius, on the contrary, and in accordance 
with the fact, places Iceland east of Greenland, though both are thrown 
too far towards Europe. The waters of Greenland are represented as 
navigated, and nothing is perhaps more susceptible of proof than the 
fact that communication was never lost with Greenland from the tenth 
century down to the present day. Vlpius, who seems to copy Ruysch's 
outline, leaves the space between Greenland and the west as unex- 
plored, while Ruysch, on the other hand, makes Greenland, together 
with Newfoundland, part of Asia, Gog and Magog being in close 
proximity. It remained for the Zeno Map, published sixteen years 
after Vlpius, to show the position of Greenland more distinctly, and at 
the same time to reveal the sites of the eastern and western colonies of 
Greenland, so erroneously supposed in later times to have been situated 
on the opposite coasts of that country. (Northmen in Maine, p. 30.) 

It will be necessary next to speak of the coast names on the 
North American Continent, though it has been indicated previously 
that certain of them show an agreement with the names on the Verra- 
zano Map. Along the eastern border of the Gulf of Mexico, adjoining 
Florida, may be seen " Rio Del Gato," or the Cat River ; " Rio de Los 
Angelos," or River of the Angels ; " P. de. S. Iohan " ; " Navidad," 
or Nativity ; " Costa Verde," or the Green Coast ; " Costa de Corsales," 
which could hardly mean the Coast of the Corsairs. Perhaps it was 
placed here in honor of Andrea Corsali, the Florentine navigator in the 
service of Emanuel, King of Portugal, though no record is found of 
any voyage made by him to this region. " B. de Los Baxos," or the 
Shoal Bay, completes the list of names on this part of the Gulf. 

On the Atlantic coast the names commence near South Carolina with 
the " B. della >J«," Bay of the Cross. Next is " Valleombrosa," the 
Shady Valley," which, with the neighboring coast, covered with sedge 
or reeds {Calami), reminds us of Milton's lines : 

" Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks 
In Vallombrosa, where the Etrurian shades 
High over-arch'd, imbower, or scatter'd sedge." 

" Punta del Olivio " is evidently the same as Verrazano's Cape 
" Olimpe." Then follow " Selvi di Cervi," the Deer Park of Verra- 
zano, and "Calami," similar to the " Carnavarall " of the Spanish 
maps. This brings us to "Lvngavilla" and "G. di. S. Germano," both 
Verrazano names, the former being Longueville, near Dieppe, and the 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS JJ 

latter St. Germaine-en-Laye, the splendid residence of Francis I. " R. 
del Sole," River of the Sun, if not for Solis, is followed by " Norman- 
villa," a French city near Longueville. " C. S. Iohan " indicates 
southern New Jersey. " Porto Reale " follows, when suddenly we 
reach the river intended for the Penobscot or Norombega, which, as on 
the Map of Allefonsce, is thrown too far south. The coast being drawn 
on a small scale, the outline is confused. At the southern entrance of 
the river is " S. Franc. C," or the Cape of St. Francis, delineated by 
Allefonsce as the " Franciscan Cape." Next is " Refvgivm Promont." 
intended for the Cape of Refuge" of the Verrazano Map, which 
afforded "Verrazano a land-locked harbor, to-day identified with New- 
port. It must be observed again, however, that the outline of Vlpius 
is confused. The next name is " Corte Magiore," unless indeed 
"Magiore" belongs with the succeeding inscription. The significa- 
tion is obscure, like that of " Flora," though the latter occurs in several 
of the Ptolemies of the period, including Mattiolo's, 1548, and in 
Ramusio's Verrazano sketch. Finally, " Cavo de Brettoni " is reached, 
or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may 
have been given by the Portuguese. The form, it will be observed, is 
Portuguese. " Cimeri," on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, is a word whose 
use is not plain. The reading may be " cdmeri," and thus refer to the 
" Cosin de mer annano," or Oceanus of Schoner, 1520, signifying 
the Ocean Cape. With " Terra Laboratoris " we reach, not Labrador, 
the Portuguese "Land of the Laborers," but New Foundland. By 
mistake, "Laboratoris" is applied to New Foundland, as later to Cape 
Breton, the inland waters of which are to-day called " Bras d'or," pre- 
viously lengthened from " Brador," which, according to the fancy of 
some one, signified " the Arm of Gold." Thus easily are names emptied 
of their original signification. The coast line to " C. Frio," the Cold 
Cape of the Portuguese, represents New Foundland, one part of which 
is marked " Terra Corterealis." " C. Branco " is the White Cape, and 
" C. de Bona Vista " afforded a good view. Yet, whatever name may be 
given to New Foundland by the old cartographers, that of " Bacca. 
laos " always adheres, being derived from Baculum, a stick, often used 
to keep fish spread open when drying. " Baia dos Moros," at the 
Straits of Belle Isle, signifies Codfish Bay. " G. Datrometa" is a mis- 
spelling of " G. da Tormento," or the Gulf of Torment, found on Reinel 
and other charts, apparently referring to the stormy weather. " Ilhado " 
follows, and " R. da Braco " may signify the Shallow River. " C. Pri- 
mero" is the first cape, " G. do placel" is the Gulf of the Sand Bank, 



7% THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

and " Dos Demonios," or the Island of the Demons, is often found. 
Greenland lies adjoining, being called " Groestlandia." It is separated 
from Labrador by the sea. As in several other maps, the name is 
repeated on an island lying westward as " Grovelat." The greater 
portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of 
Asia is an immense lake, " Mare Glaciale," found on the Nancy 
Globe. 

Only two of the names between the Gulf of Mexico and the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence remain to-day. The French were nevertheless ambitious, 
and would have founded New France on the central portion of our 
coast if circumstances had proved more favorable. Trivial incidents 
sometimes turned them aside. But for a head wind when off Cape 
Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached the 
Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might 
have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region 
where Port Royal ("Porto Reale") was laid down by Vlpius. This 
would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and, 
possibly, changed the destiny of the continent. 

It will be seen that Vlpius gives to France only that to which she 
was entitled. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the terri- 
tory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. Lawrence it 
is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of 
Portuguese names. In 1542, when Cartier set out upon his expedition 
to colonize on the St. Lawrence, it was clearly understood at Rome 
what the French claimed. At the same time the globe, as pointed out, 
bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World 
was given to Spain. These facts, however, are consistent with one 
another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican 
under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. That person, 
though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was 
not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension 
of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his 
support. Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he 
might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they 
had accomplished in the New World by the aid of his countryman, 
Verrazano. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the 
most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for 
France as New Gaul. Cluverius (Introductio ad Geographium, ed. 
1629) also speaks of New France as Gaul {"Nova Francia Gallis.") Did 
he know of the Globe of Vlpius? Cartier's voyage of 1534 is not men- 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS yg 

tioned, as he made no discoveries, but the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which 
he entered, is left open. Ribero on his map indeed closes the Gulf, yet 
it was well known to the French at a very early period. 

The open sea and isthmus on the Globe of Vlpius form a topic of 
special interest, but as it has been discussed already in connection with 
the Map of Verrazano, it will suffice here to add a few facts by way of 
illustration. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the 
existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was 
generally believed. Often it was represented as lying further to the 
south, and hence some suppose that what was referred to may have 
been the Bay of Mexico. Again, the sea was supposed to lie near the 
St. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the coloni- 
zation of that rude and inhospitable country, in preference to the sunny 
and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano. The 
Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, proposed to 
fortify and colonize the Straits of Magellan. The St. Lawrence was 
supposed to lead directly into the " Sea of China." When Champlain 
went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he 
reached the sea. 

In 161 2 he made a seventeen days' journey into the wilderness 
from Montreal to find the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed 
to have seen the wreck of an English ship. This man, who marched 
before Champlain through the tangled forests, has been called an 
impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed 
himself one ; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain, 
having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he 
supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. De Bry (Brevis 
Narratio, Pt. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia 
colonists entertained a similar idea. As late as 165 1 the western sea 
was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast, 
as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of " The 
Discovery of New Brittaine." This error had its day, and then died ; 
though not without manifesting a remarkable vitality. The belief was 
shared by Vlpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive 
on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief 
to maps. 

Before drawing to a close, it may be desirable to give a brief sketch 
of the life of Marcellus. The portrait is a reduction in fac simile of that 
found in the work entitled, "Uomini Illustri Toscani," etc. Apart from 
all connection with the globe, it will be prized by collectors for its great 



80 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

rarity. It is to Marcellus II. that we are indebted, in no small degree, 
for what, upon the whole, may be regarded as the most skillfully made 
of the ancient globes now known. 

Marcellus Cervinus de Spanniochi was the son of Riciardo Cervinus 
and Cassandra Benci, being born May 6th, 1501, at Montesano, a city of 
southern Italy, situated about seventy miles southeast of Naples. The 
family was originally of Montepulciano, near Siena. For that reason 
Pope Marcellus takes his place among the Sienese. His father was 
Apostolic Receiver for the March of Ancona. The early studies of 
Marcellus were conducted at Siena. Upon going to Rome he was 
appointed Secretary to Pope Julius III. In 1538 he served at the Court 
of Charles V. as Papal Ablegate. December 19th, 1539, he was created 
Cardinal. He also received the Bishopric of Neo Castro. December 
15th, 1540, he was made titular Bishop of Reggio, Jacques Lainez per- 
forming the actual duty; and February 29th, 1544, Bishop ofGubbio. 

Marcellus was present at the Diet of Spires, and April 30th, 1545, 
was made one of the three Presidents of the Council of Trent. April 
5th, 1555, he was unanimously elected Pontiff, and the following day he 
was crowned. A violent stroke of apoplexy put an end to his life April 
30th, after a reign of twenty-two days. If Marcellus had lived, he 
would have taken rank amongst the greatest of the Popes. Protestants 
praise him, and the worst enemies of Rome are obliged to concede his 
worth. His example was indeed unique ; for the reformation of the 
clergy which, as Ranke observes, others talked about, he exhibited in his 
own person. He was zealous for a pure administration throughout the 
Church. Though, like his father, possessing certain astrological tastes, 
he was sincerely devoted to pure science, literature and criticism. He 
advocated the reformation of the calendar, in accordance Avith a plan 
devised by his father. At the time the impression went abroad that the 
world was to suffer from an universal deluge, a belief which, it is said, 
drove Clement VII. to the high grounds of Tivoli, Marcellus, then but 
little known, wrote a treatise to dissipate the notion. Amongst his 
elegant Latin poems is one " De Somnio Scipionis." His disposition was 
somewhat severe, and he wished to inaugurate strong measures against 
the Lutherans and Calvinists ; being desirous, also, of reassembling the 
Council of Trent. His severity even led him to propose the abolition 
of music in the Church ; but when at Easter, Palestrina, then Chapel 
Master of the Vatican, composed a Mass for six voices, its effect was so 
great that the Pontiff burst into tears. He at once abandoned his 
purpose, and the Mass has since been known as the Mass of Pope 



THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 8 1 

Marcellus II. The tastes of this Pontiff were elegant. He was himself 
an accomplished draughtsman, and a good sculptor. He loved to 
surround himself with learned and scientific men. Being fond of history 
and antiquities, it is presumable that he was interested in geography. 
At the time when the Globe of Vlpius was made, 1542, he was wholly 
devoted to studious pursuits, being also charged with the care of 
the Vatican Library. He was distinguished for his height, though his 
figure was spare. His eyes were black, and the expression of his 
countenance, according to his portrait and written testimony, was pleas- 
ing and agreeable. It is recorded that, while possessing gaiety of dis- 
position, he seldom laughed. Two medals, described by D'Artaud, 
were struck in his honor. (" Histoire des Souverains Pontifes Romains") 

This account of the Life of Pope Marcellus quashes the last indict- 
ment drawn against Verrazano, where it is declared : " Even the Globe 
of Euphrosynus Vlpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented 
to have been constructed for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of 
Florence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf." 
(Murphy's " Verrazzano," p. 150.) As it happens, however, Cervinus 
was never Archbishop of Florence, and held no office in that city, which 
for generations attempted no recognition of Verrazano, it not being 
known that a copy of the Navigator's Letter existed in the archives. 
The Globe of Vlpius, no more than the Map of Verrazano, is associated 
with any fraud. The charge is based upon a misconception of the facts, 
and must be abandoned. The instrument in question is a Roman pro- 
duction, the design of which may yet be traced to Marcellus himself, who 
was known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. Nevertheless, 
by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come 
to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last, 
not without a certain fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks 
out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name 
is so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New 
World. If the history of the globe could be written, it would be found to 
possess the charms of romance. This may be the very globe that, as 
Hakluyt said, " seemeth to be of Verrasanus making," and which Queen 
Elizabeth was accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster. If 
so, by what means did it reach England ? It certainly went to Spain, 
and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read 
the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the 
realm of worthless antiquities. Yet it is a rare souvenir of the past. It 
embodies many of the great aspirations of the sixteenth century. It 



82 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 

stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and 
with its naval and geographical romance. It forms an epitome of the 
world from the beginning to 1542. Especially does it prove to the 
student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested 
the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of 
the noblest of men. 




THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS — 1542 






Verrazano the Explorer 



by 



B. F. DeCOSTA 




New York 

A. S. BARNES & COMPANY 



1881 



THE MAGAZINE 



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